{"id":11937,"date":"2021-10-28T10:22:07","date_gmt":"2021-10-28T14:22:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/resources\/as-a-matter-of-fact-the-harms-caused-by-election-disinformation-report\/"},"modified":"2024-06-13T19:53:54","modified_gmt":"2024-06-13T23:53:54","slug":"thuc-te-la-nhung-tac-hai-do-bao-cao-thong-tin-sai-lech-ve-bau-cu-gay-ra","status":"publish","type":"resource","link":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/vi\/resources\/as-a-matter-of-fact-the-harms-caused-by-election-disinformation-report\/","title":{"rendered":"Th\u1ef1c t\u1ebf: B\u00e1o c\u00e1o v\u1ec1 t\u00e1c h\u1ea1i do th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed g\u00e2y ra"},"template":"","class_list":["post-11937","resource","type-resource","status-publish","hentry","resource_type-report"],"acf":{"details":{"summary":"Donald Trump\u2019s Big Lie is working, and we have to respond. Just as we came together last year, rising up to vote safely and securely in record numbers during a global pandemic, we must now rise up to stop election disinformation efforts in future elections.","featured_image":"","resource_type":150,"authors":"","related_issues":[133,2065,2066,110],"related_work":false,"location":46},"sidebar":{"helper_enable_sidebar":false,"helper_media_contact":{"heading":"Media Contact","manually_enter_person":false,"person":"","name":"","role":"","phone":"","email":""},"helper_links_downloads":{"heading":"Links & Downloads","links":null}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>Gi\u1edbi thi\u1ec7u<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<div class=\"page\" title=\"Trang 7\">\r\n<div class=\"layoutArea\">\r\n<div class=\"column\">\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n<strong>\u1ede M\u1ef9, b\u1ea5t k\u1ec3 xu\u1ea5t th\u00e2n, m\u00e0u da hay m\u00e3 b\u01b0u ch\u00ednh n\u00e0o, ch\u00fang ta \u0111\u1ec1u coi tr\u1ecdng s\u1ef1 t\u1ef1 do c\u1ee7a m\u00ecnh.<\/strong> Th\u1ebf h\u1ec7 n\u00e0y qua th\u1ebf h\u1ec7 kh\u00e1c \u0111\u00e3 \u0111\u1ea5u tranh cho quy\u1ec1n t\u1ef1 do \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c l\u00ean ti\u1ebfng trong c\u00e1c quy\u1ebft \u0111\u1ecbnh t\u00e1c \u0111\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ebfn cu\u1ed9c s\u1ed1ng c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang ta\u2014quy\u1ec1n t\u1ef1 do tham gia \u0111\u1ea7y \u0111\u1ee7 v\u00e0o \u0111\u1ea5t n\u01b0\u1edbc c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang ta. Nh\u01b0ng trong nh\u1eefng n\u0103m g\u1ea7n \u0111\u00e2y, m\u1ed9t nh\u00f3m nh\u1ecf \u0111\u00e3 ng\u00e0y c\u00e0ng th\u00e0nh th\u1ea1o trong vi\u1ec7c lan truy\u1ec1n nh\u1eefng l\u1eddi d\u1ed1i tr\u00e1 v\u1ec1 cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang ta, nh\u1eefng l\u1eddi d\u1ed1i tr\u00e1 nh\u1eafm v\u00e0o c\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ed3ng ng\u01b0\u1eddi da \u0111en v\u00e0 c\u00e1c c\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ed3ng da m\u00e0u kh\u00e1c \u0111\u1ec3 ng\u0103n ch\u1eb7n phi\u1ebfu b\u1ea7u c\u1ee7a h\u1ecd, <strong>nh\u1eefng l\u1eddi n\u00f3i d\u1ed1i \u0111\u00e3 th\u00fac \u0111\u1ea9y cu\u1ed9c t\u1ea5n c\u00f4ng ch\u1ebft ng\u01b0\u1eddi v\u00e0o \u0110i\u1ec7n Capitol c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang ta v\u00e0o th\u00e1ng 1 n\u0103m 2021 nh\u1eb1m ph\u00e1 v\u1ee1 qu\u00e1 tr\u00ecnh chuy\u1ec3n giao quy\u1ec1n l\u1ef1c m\u1ed9t c\u00e1ch h\u00f2a b\u00ecnh, nh\u1eefng l\u1eddi n\u00f3i d\u1ed1i \u0111e d\u1ecda ng\u0103n c\u1ea3n vi\u1ec7c b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu v\u00e0 l\u00e0m suy y\u1ebfu ni\u1ec1m tin c\u1ee7a c\u00f4ng ch\u00fang v\u00e0o c\u00e1c cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed trong t\u01b0\u01a1ng lai.<\/strong> Vi\u1ec7c c\u1ed1 \u00fd s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch \u0111\u1ec3 t\u00e1c \u0111\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ebfn s\u1ef1 tham gia c\u1ee7a c\u1eed tri v\u00e0o cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c g\u1ecdi l\u00e0 \u201cth\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed\u201d.\r\n<blockquote>Hoa K\u1ef3 \u0111ang \u1edf th\u1eddi \u0111i\u1ec3m quan tr\u1ecdng. H\u01a1n 1\/3 c\u01b0 d\u00e2n Hoa K\u1ef3\u2014v\u00e0 g\u1ea7n 80% \u0111\u1ea3ng vi\u00ean C\u1ed9ng h\u00f2a\u2014tin sai r\u1eb1ng T\u1ed5ng th\u1ed1ng Joe Biden kh\u00f4ng gi\u00e0nh chi\u1ebfn th\u1eafng h\u1ee3p ph\u00e1p trong cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed.<\/blockquote>\r\nHoa K\u1ef3 \u0111ang \u1edf th\u1eddi \u0111i\u1ec3m quan tr\u1ecdng. H\u01a1n 1\/3 c\u01b0 d\u00e2n Hoa K\u1ef3\u2014v\u00e0 g\u1ea7n 80% \u0111\u1ea3ng vi\u00ean C\u1ed9ng h\u00f2a\u2014tin sai r\u1eb1ng T\u1ed5ng th\u1ed1ng Joe Biden kh\u00f4ng gi\u00e0nh chi\u1ebfn th\u1eafng h\u1ee3p ph\u00e1p trong cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed, v\u00e0 ph\u1ea7n l\u1edbn n\u00f3i r\u1eb1ng h\u1ecd &quot;kh\u00f4ng tin r\u1eb1ng c\u00e1c cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed ph\u1ea3n \u00e1nh \u00fd ch\u00ed c\u1ee7a ng\u01b0\u1eddi d\u00e2n&quot;. <strong>L\u1eddi n\u00f3i d\u1ed1i l\u1edbn c\u1ee7a Donald Trump \u0111ang ph\u00e1t huy t\u00e1c d\u1ee5ng v\u00e0 ch\u00fang ta ph\u1ea3i ph\u1ea3n \u1ee9ng. C\u0169ng gi\u1ed1ng nh\u01b0 ch\u00fang ta \u0111\u00e3 c\u00f9ng nhau v\u00e0o n\u0103m ngo\u00e1i, \u0111\u1ee9ng l\u00ean b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu an to\u00e0n v\u00e0 b\u1ea3o m\u1eadt v\u1edbi s\u1ed1 l\u01b0\u1ee3ng k\u1ef7 l\u1ee5c trong \u0111\u1ea1i d\u1ecbch to\u00e0n c\u1ea7u, gi\u1edd \u0111\u00e2y ch\u00fang ta ph\u1ea3i \u0111\u1ee9ng l\u00ean \u0111\u1ec3 ng\u0103n ch\u1eb7n c\u00e1c n\u1ed7 l\u1ef1c th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed trong c\u00e1c cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed trong t\u01b0\u01a1ng lai.<\/strong> B\u00e1o c\u00e1o n\u00e0y l\u00e0 m\u1ed9t k\u1ebf ho\u1ea1ch \u0111\u1ec3 th\u00e0nh c\u00f4ng.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"layoutArea\">\r\n\r\nAs online election disinformation has increased, Common Cause Education Fund\u2019s commitment to monitoring and stopping it has likewise increased. As part of our plan to combat election disinformation, Common Cause Education Fund has prepared this report to explain the problem of election disinformation in detail and propose commonsense public and corporate policy reforms to reduce the harmful impacts of election disinformation in future elections. The report\u2019s final section is a series of state, federal and corporate reforms to help stem the flow of election disinformation that is undermining Americans' faith in the nation\u2019s elections. Reform recommendations detailed in the report include the following:\r\n<ul>\r\n \t<li><strong>C\u00e1c c\u00f4ng ty truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i ph\u1ea3i t\u0103ng c\u01b0\u1eddng ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch c\u1ee7a h\u1ecd xung quanh vi\u1ec7c ch\u1ed1ng l\u1ea1i n\u1ed9i dung \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c thi\u1ebft k\u1ebf \u0111\u1ec3 ph\u00e1 ho\u1ea1i n\u1ec1n d\u00e2n ch\u1ee7 c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang ta<\/strong>, bao g\u1ed3m cung c\u1ea5p cho ng\u01b0\u1eddi d\u00f9ng th\u00f4ng tin c\u00f3 th\u1ea9m quy\u1ec1n li\u00ean quan \u0111\u1ebfn vi\u1ec7c b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu v\u00e0 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed, gi\u1ea3m s\u1ef1 lan truy\u1ec1n v\u00e0 khu\u1ebfch \u0111\u1ea1i th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed, v\u00e0 cung c\u1ea5p t\u00ednh minh b\u1ea1ch h\u01a1n li\u00ean quan \u0111\u1ebfn ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch v\u00e0 ho\u1ea1t \u0111\u1ed9ng ki\u1ec3m duy\u1ec7t n\u1ed9i dung c\u1ee7a h\u1ecd.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i v\u00e0 c\u00e1c c\u01a1 quan l\u1eadp ph\u00e1p ti\u1ec3u bang n\u00ean s\u1eeda \u0111\u1ed5i lu\u1eadt v\u1ec1 quy\u1ec1n b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu \u0111\u1ec3 n\u00eau r\u00f5 <strong>c\u1ea5m c\u1ed1 \u00fd ph\u00e1t t\u00e1n th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 th\u1eddi gian, \u0111\u1ecba \u0111i\u1ec3m ho\u1eb7c c\u00e1ch th\u1ee9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed <\/strong>ho\u1eb7c c\u00e1c \u0111i\u1ec1u ki\u1ec7n ho\u1eb7c h\u1ea1n ch\u1ebf v\u1ec1 t\u01b0 c\u00e1ch b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu, v\u1edbi m\u1ee5c \u0111\u00edch c\u1ea3n tr\u1edf vi\u1ec7c b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i v\u00e0 c\u00e1c c\u01a1 quan l\u1eadp ph\u00e1p ti\u1ec3u bang n\u00ean <strong>c\u1eadp nh\u1eadt lu\u1eadt c\u00f4ng b\u1ed1 t\u00e0i ch\u00ednh chi\u1ebfn d\u1ecbch cho th\u1eddi \u0111\u1ea1i k\u1ef9 thu\u1eadt s\u1ed1<\/strong>, bao g\u1ed3m <strong>\u201c<\/strong>tuy\u00ean b\u1ed1 mi\u1ec5n tr\u1eeb tr\u00e1ch nhi\u1ec7m v\u1ec1 qu\u1ea3ng c\u00e1o k\u1ef9 thu\u1eadt s\u1ed1 v\u00e0 c\u00e1c \u0111i\u1ec1u kho\u1ea3n hi\u1ec7u qu\u1ea3 l\u00e0m s\u00e1ng t\u1ecf s\u1ed1 ti\u1ec1n \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c chuy\u1ec3n gi\u1eefa c\u00e1c nh\u00f3m \u0111\u1ec3 tr\u1ed1n tr\u00e1nh ti\u1ebft l\u1ed9.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i v\u00e0 c\u00e1c c\u01a1 quan l\u1eadp ph\u00e1p ti\u1ec3u bang n\u00ean <strong>th\u00f4ng qua lu\u1eadt b\u1ea3o m\u1eadt d\u1eef li\u1ec7u to\u00e0n di\u1ec7n <\/strong>\u0111\u1ec3 b\u1ea3o v\u1ec7 ng\u01b0\u1eddi ti\u00eau d\u00f9ng kh\u1ecfi vi\u1ec7c thu th\u1eadp, s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng v\u00e0 chia s\u1ebb d\u1eef li\u1ec7u c\u00e1 nh\u00e2n m\u1ed9t c\u00e1ch l\u1ea1m d\u1ee5ng.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i n\u00ean<strong> ban h\u00e0nh lu\u1eadt t\u0103ng c\u01b0\u1eddng ph\u01b0\u01a1ng ti\u1ec7n truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng \u0111\u1ecba ph\u01b0\u01a1ng <\/strong>v\u00e0 b\u1ea3o v\u1ec7 quy\u1ec1n ti\u1ebfp c\u1eadn c\u1ee7a c\u00f4ng ch\u00fang \u0111\u1ed1i v\u1edbi th\u00f4ng tin ch\u1ea5t l\u01b0\u1ee3ng cao v\u1ec1 ch\u00ednh ph\u1ee7, an to\u00e0n c\u00f4ng c\u1ed9ng, s\u1ee9c kh\u1ecfe c\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ed3ng, ph\u00e1t tri\u1ec3n kinh t\u1ebf v\u00e0 v\u0103n h\u00f3a \u0111\u1ecba ph\u01b0\u01a1ng.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i n\u00ean <strong>th\u00f4ng qua lu\u1eadt \u0111\u1ec3 b\u1ea3o v\u1ec7 quy\u1ec1n truy c\u1eadp c\u1ee7a c\u00e1c nh\u00e0 nghi\u00ean c\u1ee9u v\u00e0 nh\u00e0 b\u00e1o gi\u00e1m s\u00e1t v\u00e0o d\u1eef li\u1ec7u truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i<\/strong>, cho ph\u00e9p c\u00e1c nh\u00e0 nghi\u00ean c\u1ee9u nghi\u00ean c\u1ee9u c\u00e1c ho\u1ea1t \u0111\u1ed9ng c\u1ee7a n\u1ec1n t\u1ea3ng truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i m\u00e0 kh\u00f4ng s\u1ee3 b\u1ecb can thi\u1ec7p ho\u1eb7c tr\u1ea3 th\u00f9 t\u1eeb c\u00e1c c\u00f4ng ty truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i.<\/li>\r\n \t<li>Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i n\u00ean <strong>th\u00f4ng qua lu\u1eadt c\u1ea5m c\u00e1c thu\u1eadt to\u00e1n ph\u00e2n bi\u1ec7t \u0111\u1ed1i x\u1eed tr\u00ean n\u1ec1n t\u1ea3ng tr\u1ef1c tuy\u1ebfn<\/strong> v\u00e0 t\u1ea1o ra s\u1ef1 minh b\u1ea1ch h\u01a1n v\u1ec1 c\u00e1ch th\u1ee9c ho\u1ea1t \u0111\u1ed9ng c\u1ee7a c\u00e1c thu\u1eadt to\u00e1n n\u00e0y.<\/li>\r\n \t<li><strong>Nh\u00e0 Tr\u1eafng v\u00e0 c\u00e1c th\u1ed1ng \u0111\u1ed1c \u1edf c\u00e1c ti\u1ec3u bang tr\u00ean to\u00e0n qu\u1ed1c ph\u1ea3i \u0111\u00f3ng vai tr\u00f2 h\u00e0ng \u0111\u1ea7u trong vi\u1ec7c ch\u1ed1ng l\u1ea1i th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed<\/strong>, bao g\u1ed3m vi\u1ec7c ban h\u00e0nh c\u00e1c l\u1ec7nh h\u00e0nh ph\u00e1p ch\u1ec9 \u0111\u1ea1o c\u00e1c c\u01a1 quan c\u00f3 th\u1ea9m quy\u1ec1n th\u1ef1c thi, l\u1eadp quy v\u00e0 \u0111i\u1ec1u tra s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng c\u00e1c kh\u1ea3 n\u0103ng n\u00e0y \u0111\u1ec3 ch\u1ed1ng l\u1ea1i th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>T\u1ed5ng quan v\u1ec1 th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed l\u00e0 g\u00ec?<\/h2>\r\nN\u00f3i chung, th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed \u00e1m ch\u1ec9 nh\u1eefng n\u1ed7 l\u1ef1c c\u1ed1 \u00fd s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch \u0111\u1ec3 t\u00e1c \u0111\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ebfn s\u1ef1 tham gia c\u1ee7a c\u1eed tri v\u00e0o c\u00e1c cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed. C\u00f3 m\u1ed9t l\u1ecbch s\u1eed l\u00e2u d\u00e0i v\u1ec1 c\u00e1c chi\u1ebfn thu\u1eadt \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng \u0111\u1ec3 t\u01b0\u1edbc quy\u1ec1n b\u1ea7u c\u1eed c\u1ee7a c\u1eed tri v\u00e0 c\u00e1c b\u00e1o c\u00e1o tr\u01b0\u1edbc \u0111\u00e2y c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang t\u00f4i11 n\u00eau chi ti\u1ebft c\u00e1ch t\u1edd r\u01a1i, b\u1ea3ng qu\u1ea3ng c\u00e1o v\u00e0 c\u00e1c chi\u1ebfn thu\u1eadt ngo\u1ea1i tuy\u1ebfn kh\u00e1c \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng \u0111\u1ec3 cung c\u1ea5p cho c\u1eed tri th\u00f4ng tin kh\u00f4ng ch\u00ednh x\u00e1c c\u00f3 th\u1ec3 ng\u0103n c\u1ea3n h\u1ecd tham gia v\u00e0o m\u1ed9t cu\u1ed9c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed. C\u00e1c b\u00e1o c\u00e1o n\u00e0y c\u0169ng n\u00eau b\u1eadt m\u1ed9t s\u1ed1 chi\u1ebfn thu\u1eadt k\u1ef9 thu\u1eadt s\u1ed1 tr\u1ef1c tuy\u1ebfn m\u1edbi n\u1ed5i \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c s\u1eed d\u1ee5ng \u0111\u1ec3 ph\u00e1t t\u00e1n th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed, bao g\u1ed3m email, web v\u00e0 Facebook, nh\u1eefng ph\u01b0\u01a1ng ti\u1ec7n m\u1edbi ch\u1ec9 tr\u1edf n\u00ean ph\u1ed5 bi\u1ebfn.\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n<strong>\u201cR\u1ed1i lo\u1ea1n th\u00f4ng tin\u201d<\/strong> is an emerging term of art used by researchers and media experts that encompasses three related terms:\r\n\r\n\u2022 Disinformation is content that is false (even if it contains some truth) and deliberately created to harm a person, social group, organization, or country.\r\n\r\n\u2022 Misinformation is false information, but it is differentiated from disinformation by lacking an intent to harm any person, group, or organization.\r\n\r\n\u2022 Malinformation is content that is accurate but is intentionally manipulated to cause harm, including voter suppression or voter confusion.\r\n\r\n<strong>Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch<\/strong>\r\n\r\nTh\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch l\u00e0 th\u00f4ng tin sai s\u1ef1 th\u1eadt, nh\u01b0ng n\u00f3 kh\u00e1c v\u1edbi th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch \u1edf ch\u1ed7 kh\u00f4ng c\u00f3 \u00fd \u0111\u1ecbnh g\u00e2y h\u1ea1i cho b\u1ea5t k\u1ef3 c\u00e1 nh\u00e2n, nh\u00f3m ho\u1eb7c t\u1ed5 ch\u1ee9c n\u00e0o. M\u1eb7c d\u00f9 \u00edt c\u1ed1 \u00fd h\u01a1n, nh\u01b0ng n\u00f3 c\u0169ng c\u00f3 th\u1ec3 g\u00e2y h\u1ea1i nh\u01b0 nhau. V\u00ed d\u1ee5 v\u1ec1 th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch bao g\u1ed3m th\u00f4ng tin kh\u00f4ng ch\u00ednh x\u00e1c v\u1ec1 ng\u00e0y th\u00e1ng ho\u1eb7c s\u1ed1 li\u1ec7u th\u1ed1ng k\u00ea ho\u1eb7c ch\u00fa th\u00edch \u1ea3nh kh\u00f4ng ch\u00ednh x\u00e1c. B\u1ea5t k\u1ef3 ai g\u1eb7p ph\u1ea3i th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch \u0111\u1ec1u c\u00f3 th\u1ec3 tin v\u00e0o th\u00f4ng tin \u0111\u00f3 v\u00e0 r\u00fat ra k\u1ebft lu\u1eadn t\u1eeb th\u00f4ng tin \u0111\u00f3, ngay c\u1ea3 khi nh\u00e0 cung c\u1ea5p n\u1ed9i dung kh\u00f4ng c\u00f3 \u00fd \u0111\u1ecbnh th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch cho h\u1ecd.\r\n\r\n<strong>Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch <\/strong>\r\n\r\nN\u1ed9i dung th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch l\u00e0 sai s\u1ef1 th\u1eadt v\u00e0 \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c t\u1ea1o ra m\u1ed9t c\u00e1ch c\u00f3 ch\u1ee7 \u0111\u00edch \u0111\u1ec3 g\u00e2y h\u1ea1i cho m\u1ed9t c\u00e1 nh\u00e2n, nh\u00f3m x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i, t\u1ed5 ch\u1ee9c ho\u1eb7c qu\u1ed1c gia. Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c c\u1ed1 \u00fd v\u00e0 th\u01b0\u1eddng \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c ph\u00e1t t\u00e1n m\u1ed9t c\u00e1ch b\u00ed m\u1eadt \u0111\u1ec3 t\u00e1c \u0111\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ebfn d\u01b0 lu\u1eadn v\u00e0 h\u00e0nh \u0111\u1ed9ng c\u1ee7a c\u00f4ng ch\u00fang, che gi\u1ea5u ho\u1eb7c thay \u0111\u1ed5i k\u1ebft qu\u1ea3 b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu ho\u1eb7c g\u00e2y ra s\u1ef1 ph\u1eabn n\u1ed9. Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch c\u00f3 th\u1ec3 ch\u1ee9a m\u1ed9t s\u1ed1 s\u1ef1 th\u1eadt, nh\u01b0ng nh\u1eefng s\u1ef1 th\u1eadt \u0111\u00f3 ho\u1eb7c b\u1ecb t\u00e1ch kh\u1ecfi ng\u1eef c\u1ea3nh ho\u1eb7c k\u1ebft h\u1ee3p v\u1edbi s\u1ef1 d\u1ed1i tr\u00e1 \u0111\u1ec3 t\u1ea1o ra v\u00e0 h\u1ed7 tr\u1ee3 cho m\u1ed9t th\u00f4ng \u0111i\u1ec7p c\u1ee5 th\u1ec3 c\u00f3 ch\u1ee7 \u0111\u00edch.\r\n\r\n<strong>Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch <\/strong>\r\n\r\nTh\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch l\u00e0 n\u1ed9i dung ch\u00ednh x\u00e1c nh\u01b0ng b\u1ecb c\u1ed1 \u00fd thao t\u00fang \u0111\u1ec3 g\u00e2y h\u1ea1i. \u0110i\u1ec1u n\u00e0y bao g\u1ed3m vi\u1ec7c tr\u00ecnh b\u00e0y sai b\u1ed1i c\u1ea3nh c\u1ee7a m\u1ed9t c\u00e2u chuy\u1ec7n tin t\u1ee9c c\u00f3 th\u1eadt, doxing (ph\u00e1t h\u00e0nh th\u00f4ng tin c\u00e1 nh\u00e2n nh\u01b0 \u0111\u1ecba ch\u1ec9 v\u00e0 s\u1ed1 \u0111i\u1ec7n tho\u1ea1i c\u1ee7a m\u1ed9t c\u00e1 nh\u00e2n tr\u1ef1c tuy\u1ebfn \u0111\u1ec3 \u0111e d\u1ecda h\u1ecd) ho\u1eb7c r\u00f2 r\u1ec9 th\u01b0 t\u1eeb m\u1ed9t c\u00e1ch c\u00f3 ch\u1ecdn l\u1ecdc.\r\n\r\n<strong>Ai l\u00e0 ng\u01b0\u1eddi ph\u00e1t t\u00e1n th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed v\u00e0 t\u1ea1i sao? <\/strong>\r\n\r\nFew who intentionally spread election disinformation would publicize this fact because the behavior is sometimes illegal and always despicable. The ability of individuals to anonymously spread election disinformation is part of the problem\u2014and strengthening transparency laws as recommended later in this report is part of the solution. Nevertheless, here is what we know about those spreading election disinformation in recent years. Both foreign and domestic actors have used\u2014and likely will continue to use\u2014election disinformation. During the 2016 elections, the Russian Internet Research Agency created numerous posts on multiple social media platforms. According to the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, this foreign interference was \u201cat the direction of the Kremlin\u201d and created social media content in support of then-candidate Trump and against Hillary Clinton. In particular, the content was \u201cprincipally aimed at African-Americans in key metropolitan areas.\u201d Russian disinformation efforts included the use of the Facebook page Blacktivist, which purported to be a Black empowerment page and garnered 11.2 million engagements with Facebook users. Both advertisement and organic (non-ad) content was published through this program. This Russian social media content was designed to drive divisions between voters and cause general political instability in the United States, a tactic that differed from more direct efforts to disenfranchise voters used by some other purveyors of election disinformation.\r\n\r\nA number of social scientists are working to understand the psychology behind individuals spreading disinformation. In our observations, gleaned from over 15,000 volunteer hours spent monitoring social media for mis- and disinformation during the 2020 election cycle, we have found that election misinformation is often spread by those sincerely attempting to be helpful in a climate of uncertainty and distrust (particularly when it came to the USPS and its ability to manage vote by mail in the 2020 elections) and disinformation is spread by individuals with partisan goals, including intraparty contests, like the Democratic Presidential Primary.\r\n\r\nIn an age of hyperpartisanship, spreading election disinformation can both serve to attack your political opponents and show that you are aligned with other members of your political tribe. Election disinformation\u2014in particular, the narrative of a rigged election and pervasive voter fraud committed by Democrats\u2014existed long before the rise of Donald Trump but now has become party orthodoxy. You can signal that you are a Trump-supporting \u201cMAGA Republican\u201d (an acronym for Trump\u2019s campaign slogan \u201cMake America Great Again\u201d) by spreading stories that reinforce a narrative (however false) about a political system rigged against other MAGA Republicans. This creates a negative feedback loop of distrust in government and elections: a September 2021 poll showed that 78% of Republicans believe that Joe Biden did not win the presidency. Numerous states and counties are proceeding with sham ballot reviews\u2014even in areas where Trump won decisively. Among 15 Republican candidates currently running for secretary of state in five battleground states, 10 have \u201ceither declared that the 2020 election was stolen or called for their state\u2019s results to be invalidated or further investigated.\u201d <strong>Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c c\u00e1c nh\u00e0 ho\u1ea1t \u0111\u1ed9ng v\u00e0 \u1ee9ng c\u1eed vi\u00ean truy\u1ec1n b\u00e1 theo c\u00e1ch t\u01b0\u01a1ng t\u1ef1 nh\u01b0 c\u00e1ch truy\u1ec1n t\u1ea3i th\u00f4ng \u0111i\u1ec7p ch\u00ednh tr\u1ecb v\u00e0 \u01b0u ti\u00ean v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 tr\u01b0\u1edbc \u0111\u00e2y.<\/strong>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>Lu\u1eadt Ti\u1ec3u bang v\u00e0 Li\u00ean bang \u0110i\u1ec1u ch\u1ec9nh Th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 B\u1ea7u c\u1eed<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"Several different bodies of law provide tools for fighting election disinformation. A primary purpose of election disinformation is to suppress and sometimes intimidate voters. Consequently, election laws prohibiting voter intimidation and false election speech play an important role in fighting election disinformation. Several other bodies of law are also critically important to the fight. Strong campaign finance disclosure laws can shine the light of publicity on those seeking to undermine our elections from the shadows and help ensure existing laws are enforced. Communications laws, consumer protection laws, media literacy laws, and privacy laws can all play a part in effectively regulating and deterring election disinformation.\r\n\r\n<strong>Voter Intimidation and False Election Speech Laws <\/strong>\r\n\r\nFederal law and laws in nearly every state contain provisions explicitly prohibiting voter intimidation, with many of these laws being rightly interpreted as prohibiting election disinformation. Some states have enacted laws explicitly prohibiting various types of false election-related speech\u2014e.g., false statements about voting procedures\/qualifications, candidates, incumbency, endorsements, veteran status, or ballot measure effects. In this report, we focus only on the first of these types: laws prohibiting false statements about voting procedures and qualifications such as where and when to vote. Our reasons are twofold and related to one another. First, the veracity of statements about voting procedures and qualifications (e.g., the date of the election, the hours polls are open) is easily ascertainable, and determining such veracity can be done in an entirely nonpartisan, objective fashion. By contrast, determining the veracity of statements about a candidate (e.g., a candidate\u2019s stance on an issue) is often more subjective, as reflected by the rating systems some prominent fact-checkers use.\r\n\r\nSecond, and relatedly, courts have for years been divided on the constitutionality of laws prohibiting false speech characterizing candidates and ballot measures, with at least two federal appellate courts in recent years striking down such laws as unconstitutionally vague and overbroad. Courts are much more likely to uphold as constitutionally permissible narrower laws prohibiting false statements about the procedures and qualifications of voting.\r\n\r\n<em><strong>Federal Voter Intimidation and False Election Speech Laws<\/strong><\/em>\r\n\r\nThe following is a summary of voter intimidation and false speech laws at the federal level and in numerous states. And the recommendations section at the end of this report identifies the best features of these laws, urging their adoption throughout the United States.\r\n\r\n<strong>The National Voter Registration Act of 1993<\/strong> makes it a crime to knowingly and willfully intimidate or threaten any person for voting, registering to vote, or aiding others to register and vote. Another federal criminal statute similarly provides that \u201c[w]hoever intimidates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten, or coerce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote\u201d in a federal election has committed a crime subject to fines or imprisonment. The DOJ explains that this statute \u201ccriminalizes conduct intended to force prospective voters to vote against their preferences, or refrain from voting, through activity reasonably calculated to instill some form of fear.\u201d Conspiracy to \u201cinjure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate any person\u2026in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or laws of the United States\u201d\u2014 including the right to vote\u2014is a felony under federal law. This criminal code provision covers voter suppression schemes, including \u201cproviding false information to the public\u2014or a particular segment of the public\u2014regarding the qualifications to vote, the consequences of voting in connection with citizenship status, the dates or qualifications for absentee voting, the date of an election, the hours for voting, or the correct voting precinct.\r\n\r\nIn addition to the federal criminal code provisions detailed in the preceding paragraphs, the <strong>Voting Rights Act of 1965 and other civil rights law<\/strong><strong>s<\/strong><strong>\u00a0<\/strong>also prohibit disinformation activities that amount to voter intimidation or suppression. The Voting Rights Act provides that no person \u201cshall intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any person for voting or attempting to vote.\u201d\r\n\r\n<em><strong>State Voter Intimidation and False Election Speech Laws<\/strong><\/em>\r\n\r\nThe federal laws detailed earlier prohibiting voter intimidation and suppression\u2014including some disinformation tactics\u2014generally apply to any election with candidates for federal office on the ballot. Nearly every state, likewise, has laws prohibiting voter intimidation and suppression, applicable to elections even when no federal office candidates are on the ballot. A few states have laws explicitly regulating false election-related speech, and a few others have interpreted more general anti-intimidation laws to prohibit false election speech. APPENDIX I in the report summarizes the voter intimidation and false speech laws of several states. Among the best state laws worthy of emulating around the nation, Colorado law provides that no person shall knowingly or recklessly \u201cmake, publish, broadcast, or circulate or cause to be made, published, broadcasted, or circulated\u2026any false statement designed to affect the vote on any issue submitted to the electors at any election or relating to any candidate for election to public office.\u201d The Colorado attorney general\u2019s guidance makes clear that disinformation tactics\u2014including \u201cmisleading phone calls, texts, or emails to a voter\u201d\u2014can constitute illegal voter intimidation.\u201d Similarly, Hawaii law provides that any person who \u201cknowingly broadcasts, televises, circulates, publishes, distributes, or otherwise communicates\u2026false information about the time, date, place, or means of voting with the purpose of impeding, preventing, or otherwise interfering with the free exercise of the elective franchise\u201d has committed illegal election fraud. And Virginia explicitly outlaws communicating to a \u201cregistered voter, by any means, false information, knowing the same to be false, intended to impede the voter in the exercise of his right to vote,\u201d including information \u201cabout the date, time, and place of the election, or the voter\u2019s precinct, polling place, or voter registration status, or the location of a voter satellite office or the office of the general registrar.\u201d Importantly, Virginia law includes a private right of action for registered voters to whom such false information is communicated, enabling them to seek an \u201cinjunction, restraining order, or other order, against the person communicating such false information.\u201d\r\n\r\nFor an overview of Campaign Finance Laws, Federal Communications Laws, Federal Consumer Protection Laws, State Media Literacy laws, and State Privacy Laws, read Section 2 of the full report."}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>Ch\u1ecdn Ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch li\u00eam ch\u00ednh c\u00f4ng d\u00e2n tr\u00ean ph\u01b0\u01a1ng ti\u1ec7n truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"Social media platforms from Facebook to Twitter and YouTube to TikTok have civic integrity policies in place designed to combat disinformation related to elections and other civic processes. These policies often work in tandem with the platforms\u2019 other policies, which address things like fraud, violent content, hate speech, and other content the platform may find objectionable. A piece of content may violate multiple policies at once, like a post advocating violence against a specific group.\r\n\r\nPlatform civic integrity policies primarily focus on prohibiting content that is misleading about how to participate in the civic process. This includes misleading statements or information about the official announced date or time of an election, misleading information about requirements to participate in an election, and content containing statements advocating for violence because of voting, voter registration, or the administration or outcome of an election.\r\n\r\nThese policies are not exhaustive though and have significant loopholes that allow for certain disinformation-oriented content to stay up on the platforms. This includes narratives contributing to voter suppression, disinformation from world leaders\/public figures, and political ads.\r\n\r\nWe summarize only the policies that Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube implemented during the 2020 elections and soon after. We also discuss how inconsistent enforcement and policy loopholes led to the spread of disinformation during and after the election, how the actions taken (or not taken) by the platforms contributed to the insurrection at the Capitol complex on January 6, and how the platforms reacted in the aftermath. Unfortunately, Facebook and Twitter have stopped enforcing existing policies to the degree they did during the 2020 election. Our research shows that there are many pieces of content being left on the platform that would have been taken down months ago.\r\n\r\n<strong>Facebook<\/strong>\r\n\r\nIt has been well documented that Facebook is inconsistent in its enforcement of existing policies. In September of 2020, the Wall Street Journal flagged over 200 pieces of content for Facebook that appeared to violate the platform\u2019s rules against the promotion of violence and dangerous information, only to have Facebook respond by taking down around 30 pieces of flagged content and later conceding that more than half of the pieces of content should have been taken down for violating their policies.\r\n\r\nIn addition to inconsistent enforcement, Facebook also had two major loopholes that contribute significantly to the spread of disinformation on the platform: the newsworthiness exemption and its policy of not fact-checking political ads. The newsworthiness exemption applies to any content that Facebook believes \u201cshould be seen and heard\u201d and meets a balancing test that weighs the public benefit of having the content up versus the harm keeping the content in question up could cause. This is extremely subjective, and this subjectivity is reflected in Facebook\u2019s use of the newsworthiness exemption over time.\r\n\r\nFacebook\u2019s decision to exempt political ads has proven to be equally controversial, if not more, than their newsworthiness exemption. This loophole is straightforward: Facebook will not fact-check political advertisements on the platform. During the 2020 election, then-candidate Donald Trump took advantage of this loophole several times and placed ads on Facebook intending to mislead voters about then-candidate Joe Biden and his son Hunter. If Facebook is to get serious about cracking down on disinformation, this loophole is one of the first they need to address. This laissez-faire approach to content moderation allowed bad actors to spread content that contributed to the January 6 insurrection.\r\n\r\n<strong>Twitter<\/strong>\r\n\r\nAlthough Facebook tends to dominate the conversation about content moderation practices and the spread of disinformation on social media, Twitter is guilty of many of the same things: inconsistent enforcement of existing policies, loopholes in policies that allow for the spread of disinformation, and relatively weak policy responses to the January 6 insurrection. While Twitter may want to be viewed as better on content moderation than its peers, it has been equally as slow to deal with the misinformation that is found all over the platform.\r\n\r\nJust like Facebook\u2019s newsworthiness exemption, Twitter has a major loophole that contributes significantly to the spread of disinformation called the \u201cpublic interest exception.\u201d This exception applies to tweets from elected and government officials that Twitter believes \u201cdirectly contribute\u201d to the understanding or discussion of a matter of public concern. Tweets that are found to be in the public interest but break other rules may have a label put on them but will not be taken down. Even though the platform insists that this does not mean public officials can post whatever they want (even tweets in violation of their rules), in reality, public officials are generally allowed to get away with posting whatever they want.\r\n\r\n<strong>YouTube <\/strong>\r\n\r\nSo v\u1edbi Facebook v\u00e0 Twitter, c\u00e1c ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch c\u1ee7a YouTube kh\u00f4ng \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c xem x\u00e9t k\u1ef9 l\u01b0\u1ee1ng nh\u01b0 v\u1eady, nh\u01b0ng gi\u1ed1ng nh\u01b0 c\u00e1c n\u1ec1n t\u1ea3ng truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i kh\u00e1c \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c \u0111\u1ec1 c\u1eadp \u1edf \u0111\u00e2y, YouTube c\u0169ng kh\u00f4ng nh\u1ea5t qu\u00e1n trong vi\u1ec7c th\u1ef1c thi c\u00e1c ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch hi\u1ec7n h\u00e0nh. <strong>Tuy nhi\u00ean, thay v\u00ec c\u00f3 m\u1ed9t ho\u1eb7c hai l\u1ed7 h\u1ed5ng l\u1edbn m\u00e0 th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch c\u00f3 th\u1ec3 lan truy\u1ec1n, ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch c\u1ee7a YouTube nh\u00ecn chung tho\u00e1ng h\u01a1n nhi\u1ec1u so v\u1edbi Facebook v\u00e0 Twitter.<\/strong>\r\n\r\nS\u1ef1 kh\u00f4ng nh\u1ea5t qu\u00e1n c\u1ee7a YouTube trong vi\u1ec7c th\u1ef1c thi ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch \u0111\u00e3 \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c ghi ch\u00e9p \u0111\u1ea7y \u0111\u1ee7. V\u00e0o n\u0103m 2019, n\u1ec1n t\u1ea3ng n\u00e0y \u0111\u00e3 th\u00f4ng b\u00e1o r\u1eb1ng h\u1ecd s\u1ebd th\u1ef1c hi\u1ec7n c\u00e1c thay \u0111\u1ed5i \u0111\u1ed1i v\u1edbi ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch v\u1ec1 ng\u00f4n t\u1eeb k\u00edch \u0111\u1ed9ng th\u00f9 \u0111\u1ecbch v\u00e0 x\u00f3a h\u00e0ng ngh\u00ecn video vi ph\u1ea1m ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch m\u1edbi, nh\u01b0ng Gizmodo ph\u00e1t hi\u1ec7n ra r\u1eb1ng nhi\u1ec1u video v\u1eabn c\u00f2n t\u1ed3n t\u1ea1i. T\u1ec7 h\u01a1n n\u1eefa, thu\u1eadt to\u00e1n c\u1ee7a YouTube th\u01b0\u1eddng xuy\u00ean \u0111\u1ec1 xu\u1ea5t n\u1ed9i dung vi ph\u1ea1m ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch c\u1ee7a ch\u00ednh h\u1ecd."}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>Khuy\u1ebfn ngh\u1ecb<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"Lu\u1eadt li\u00ean bang v\u00e0 lu\u1eadt c\u1ee7a nhi\u1ec1u ti\u1ec3u bang c\u00f3 nh\u1eefng \u0111i\u1ec1u kho\u1ea3n quan tr\u1ecdng nh\u1eb1m gi\u1ea3m thi\u1ec3u t\u00e1c \u0111\u1ed9ng c\u00f3 h\u1ea1i c\u1ee7a th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed. C\u00e1c ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch v\u1ec1 t\u00ednh to\u00e0n v\u1eb9n c\u1ee7a c\u00f4ng d\u00e2n \u0111\u1ed1i v\u1edbi c\u00f4ng ty truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng x\u00e3 h\u1ed9i c\u0169ng c\u1ef1c k\u1ef3 quan tr\u1ecdng. Nh\u1eefng lu\u1eadt v\u00e0 ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch hi\u1ec7n h\u00e0nh n\u00e0y v\u1eabn c\u00f2n nhi\u1ec1u ch\u1ed7 \u0111\u1ec3 c\u1ea3i thi\u1ec7n. Kh\u00f4ng c\u00f3 gi\u1ea3i ph\u00e1p ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch \u0111\u01a1n l\u1ebb n\u00e0o cho v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed. Ch\u00fang ta c\u1ea7n lu\u1eadt v\u1ec1 quy\u1ec1n b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu m\u1ea1nh m\u1ebd, lu\u1eadt t\u00e0i tr\u1ee3 chi\u1ebfn d\u1ecbch m\u1ea1nh m\u1ebd, lu\u1eadt truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng v\u00e0 quy\u1ec1n ri\u00eang t\u01b0 m\u1ea1nh m\u1ebd, lu\u1eadt v\u1ec1 hi\u1ec3u bi\u1ebft truy\u1ec1n th\u00f4ng m\u1ea1nh m\u1ebd v\u00e0 ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch to\u00e0n v\u1eb9n c\u1ee7a c\u00f4ng d\u00e2n \u0111\u1ed1i v\u1edbi c\u00f4ng ty m\u1ea1nh m\u1ebd. Trong Ph\u1ea7n 4 c\u1ee7a b\u00e1o c\u00e1o \u0111\u1ea7y \u0111\u1ee7, ch\u00fang t\u00f4i khuy\u1ebfn ngh\u1ecb c\u1ea3i c\u00e1ch trong t\u1ea5t c\u1ea3 c\u00e1c l\u0129nh v\u1ef1c ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch n\u00e0y, n\u00eau b\u1eadt c\u1ea3 lu\u1eadt \u0111ang ch\u1edd x\u1eed l\u00fd c\u1ea7n \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c th\u00f4ng qua v\u00e0 lu\u1eadt hi\u1ec7n h\u00e0nh c\u1ee7a ti\u1ec3u bang c\u1ea7n \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c sao ch\u00e9p \u1edf c\u00e1c khu v\u1ef1c ph\u00e1p l\u00fd kh\u00e1c."}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>Ph\u1ea7n k\u1ebft lu\u1eadn<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"Trong nhi\u1ec1u th\u1eadp k\u1ef7, Qu\u1ef9 Gi\u00e1o d\u1ee5c v\u00ec M\u1ee5c \u0111\u00edch Chung \u0111\u00e3 l\u00e0m vi\u1ec7c v\u1ec1 gi\u00e1o d\u1ee5c c\u00f4ng ch\u00fang v\u00e0 c\u1ea3i c\u00e1ch h\u1ec7 th\u1ed1ng \u0111\u1ec3 x\u00e2y d\u1ef1ng m\u1ed9t n\u1ec1n d\u00e2n ch\u1ee7 t\u1ed1t h\u01a1n. T\u00e1c \u0111\u1ed9ng c\u00f3 h\u1ea1i c\u1ee7a th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed cho th\u1ea5y r\u00f5 r\u00e0ng r\u1eb1ng c\u00f4ng t\u00e1c l\u1eadp tr\u00ecnh c\u1ed1t l\u00f5i c\u1ee7a ch\u00fang ta c\u1ea7n thi\u1ebft h\u01a1n bao gi\u1edd h\u1ebft. Ch\u00fang ta ph\u1ea3i v\u00e0 s\u1ebd gi\u00e1o d\u1ee5c v\u00e0 huy \u0111\u1ed9ng c\u1ed9ng \u0111\u1ed3ng c\u1ee7a m\u00ecnh \u0111\u1ec3 h\u1ea1n ch\u1ebf s\u1ef1 gia t\u0103ng nhanh ch\u00f3ng v\u00e0 c\u00f3 h\u1ea1i c\u1ee7a th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed. L\u00e0m nh\u01b0 v\u1eady s\u1ebd gi\u00fap th\u1ef1c hi\u1ec7n l\u1eddi h\u1ee9a c\u1ee7a Hoa K\u1ef3 v\u1ec1 m\u1ed9t n\u1ec1n d\u00e2n ch\u1ee7 th\u1ebf k\u1ef7 21 ho\u1ea1t \u0111\u1ed9ng hi\u1ec7u qu\u1ea3, c\u1edfi m\u1edf, d\u1ec5 ti\u1ebfp c\u1eadn, ph\u1ea3n h\u1ed3i v\u00e0 ch\u1ecbu tr\u00e1ch nhi\u1ec7m tr\u01b0\u1edbc ng\u01b0\u1eddi d\u00e2n. Ch\u00fang t\u00f4i c\u1ea7n s\u1ef1 h\u1ed7 tr\u1ee3 v\u00e0 ho\u1ea1t \u0111\u1ed9ng t\u00edch c\u1ef1c c\u1ee7a b\u1ea1n \u0111\u1ec3 gi\u1ea3i quy\u1ebft v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed. C\u00f9ng nhau, ch\u00fang ta c\u00f3 th\u1ec3 x\u00e2y d\u1ef1ng m\u1ed9t n\u1ec1n d\u00e2n ch\u1ee7 ph\u1ee5c v\u1ee5 cho t\u1ea5t c\u1ea3 m\u1ecdi ng\u01b0\u1eddi."}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<h2>\u0110\u1ecdc to\u00e0n b\u1ed9 b\u00e1o c\u00e1o<\/h2>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<a class=\"button1\" role=\"button\" target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/10\/CC_AsaMatterofFact_FINAL_10.27.21.pdf\">Th\u1ef1c t\u1ebf: B\u00e1o c\u00e1o v\u1ec1 t\u00e1c h\u1ea1i do th\u00f4ng tin sai l\u1ec7ch v\u1ec1 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed g\u00e2y ra<\/a>"}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_add_component","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_add_component":null},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_work","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_work":{"heading":"Work","manually_curate":false,"work":null}},{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_resources","_acfe_flexible_toggle":"","component_resources":{"heading":"Related Resources","button_text":"See all Related Resources","manually_curate":false,"resource":null}}]},"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v26.6 (Yoast SEO v27.1.1) - 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