{"id":15576,"date":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","date_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/"},"modified":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","modified_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","slug":"prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/vi\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/","title":{"rendered":"Ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c nh\u00e0 t\u00f9: Ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c sau song s\u1eaft"},"template":"","class_list":["post-15576","article","type-article","status-publish","hentry","article_type-blog-post"],"acf":{"details":{"summary":"When the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down the congressional and state district maps last December and ordered new, fairer ones to be drawn, the state had the opportunity to do away with a lesser-known form of district manipulation \u2014 prison gerrymandering.","featured_image":null,"article_type":1103,"authors":null,"related_issues":false,"related_work":false,"location":null},"sidebar":{"helper_enable_sidebar":false,"helper_media_contact":{"heading":"Media Contact","manually_enter_person":false,"person":null,"name":"","role":"","phone":"","email":""},"helper_links_downloads":{"heading":"Links & Downloads","links":null}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_wysiwyg":{"content":"B\u00e0i vi\u1ebft n\u00e0y \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c vi\u1ebft b\u1edfi Brielle Collins, Grace Hennessy v\u00e0 Katie Parkins, sinh vi\u00ean t\u1ea1i tr\u01b0\u1eddng Cao \u0111\u1eb3ng Wellesley, v\u00e0 <\/em>Ismar Voli\u0107, <\/em><\/a>m\u1ed9t gi\u00e1o s\u01b0 to\u00e1n h\u1ecdc t\u1ea1i tr\u01b0\u1eddng Cao \u0111\u1eb3ng Wellesley, gi\u00e1m \u0111\u1ed1c <\/em>Vi\u1ec7n To\u00e1n h\u1ecdc v\u00e0 D\u00e2n ch\u1ee7<\/em><\/a>v\u00e0 t\u00e1c gi\u1ea3 c\u1ee7a <\/em>L\u00e0m cho n\u1ec1n d\u00e2n ch\u1ee7 c\u00f3 gi\u00e1 tr\u1ecb: To\u00e1n h\u1ecdc c\u1ea3i thi\u1ec7n vi\u1ec7c b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu, b\u1ea3n \u0111\u1ed3 b\u1ea7u c\u1eed v\u00e0 \u0111\u1ea1i di\u1ec7n nh\u01b0 th\u1ebf n\u00e0o<\/em><\/a>.<\/em>\r\n\r\nKhi T\u00f2a \u00e1n T\u1ed1i cao Wisconsin b\u00e3i b\u1ecf b\u1ea3n \u0111\u1ed3 khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i v\u00e0 ti\u1ec3u bang v\u00e0o th\u00e1ng 12 n\u0103m ngo\u00e1i v\u00e0 ra l\u1ec7nh v\u1ebd b\u1ea3n \u0111\u1ed3 m\u1edbi, c\u00f4ng b\u1eb1ng h\u01a1n, ti\u1ec3u bang n\u00e0y \u0111\u00e3 c\u00f3 c\u01a1 h\u1ed9i x\u00f3a b\u1ecf m\u1ed9t h\u00ecnh th\u1ee9c thao t\u00fang khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed \u00edt \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c bi\u1ebft \u0111\u1ebfn \u2014 s\u1ef1 ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu trong t\u00f9<\/em>.\r\n\r\nGerrymandering usually conjures images of wonky-shaped districts designed in a way that maximizes the number of wins for one party. This makes sense since gerrymandering is usually about employing demographic and voting data to creatively meander district borders through counties, towns, and neighborhoods in order to influence the count of the voters of one or the other party living in them.\r\n\r\nThe gerrymandering adage \u201cthe party chooses the voters, not the other way around\u201d holds true because the goal of this practice is to make sure that certain voters live in certain districts. But when characterized this way, the reach of gerrymandering widens to include an especially problematic variant called prison gerrymandering \u2013 incarcerated people being counted as residents of the district that houses the prison instead of their pre-incarceration home address.\r\n\r\nThis practice is as old as the Census, which \u0111\u1ecbnh ngh\u0129a n\u01a1i c\u01b0 tr\u00fa<\/a> l\u00e0 n\u01a1i m\u00e0 m\u1ed9t ng\u01b0\u1eddi \u201cs\u1ed1ng v\u00e0 ng\u1ee7 h\u1ea7u h\u1ebft th\u1eddi gian\u201d. K\u1ec3 t\u1eeb cu\u1ed9c \u0111i\u1ec1u tra d\u00e2n s\u1ed1 \u0111\u1ea7u ti\u00ean v\u00e0o n\u0103m 1790, ch\u00ednh ph\u1ee7 li\u00ean bang \u0111\u00e3 theo \u0111\u00f3 \u0111\u1ebfm s\u1ed1 ng\u01b0\u1eddi b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef<\/a> trong c\u00e1c qu\u1eadn m\u00e0 h\u1ecd b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef. M\u1eb7c d\u00f9 \u0111i\u1ec1u n\u00e0y c\u00f3 v\u1ebb kh\u00f4ng ph\u1ea3i l\u00e0 m\u1ed9t s\u1ef1 ph\u1ee9c t\u1ea1p l\u1edbn v\u00e0o th\u1eddi \u0111i\u1ec3m \u0111\u00f3, nh\u01b0ng t\u1ef7 l\u1ec7 giam gi\u1eef hi\u1ec7n t\u1ea1i c\u1ee7a Hoa K\u1ef3 l\u00e0 2,3 tri\u1ec7u ng\u01b0\u1eddi, l\u1edbn nh\u1ea5t th\u1ebf gi\u1edbi, \u0111\u00e3 khi\u1ebfn \u0111i\u1ec1u \u0111\u00f3 tr\u1edf th\u00e0nh s\u1ef1 th\u1eadt. S\u1ef1 kh\u00f4ng th\u1ec3 h\u00f2a gi\u1ea3i c\u01a1 b\u1ea3n l\u00e0, ngay c\u1ea3 khi h\u1ecd \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c t\u00ednh l\u00e0 c\u01b0 d\u00e2n, nh\u1eefng ng\u01b0\u1eddi b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef kh\u00f4ng \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c ph\u00e9p b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu (tr\u1eeb \u1edf Maine v\u00e0 Vermont). N\u1ebfu n\u00f3 c\u00f3 m\u00f9i th\u1ecfa hi\u1ec7p ba ph\u1ea7n n\u0103m, th\u00ec \u0111\u00f3 l\u00e0 v\u00ec l\u00fd do ch\u00ednh \u0111\u00e1ng<\/a>.\r\n\r\nInmate numbers do not typically make a big difference in congressional races, but they do at the state and local levels where the prison population might constitute a large portion of the residents. In 2008, b\u1ea3y qu\u1eadn c\u1ee7a ti\u1ec3u bang New York<\/a> would not have even been districts if they hadn\u2019t contained prisons (New York eliminated prison gerrymandering in 2010).\r\n\r\nThis skews representation and gives more voting power to the voting residents in those districts. In the city of Waupun, Wisconsin, 76% d\u00e2n s\u1ed1<\/a> in one district are incarcerated people. The number is 61% in another district where the representative was reelected in 2019 with 43 votes. To win in another district, many more votes would have been needed; hence the inflated voting power of a resident in a district containing the prison.\r\n\r\nVoters in some Wisconsin districts containing prisons have as much as three times the voting power of their counterparts in other districts. An even more extreme example comes from Anamosa, Iowa, where 96% of the population of one of its city districts in 2008 consisted of people in prison. Of the 1,400 official residents, only about 100 were eligible to vote. Danny Young \u0111\u00e3 gi\u00e0nh \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c m\u1ed9t gh\u1ebf trong h\u1ed9i \u0111\u1ed3ng th\u00e0nh ph\u1ed1<\/a> with just two write-in votes, one from his wife and one from his neighbor.\r\n\r\nThe implications of prison gerrymandering for racial inequality are also evident. The prison system disproportionately affects Black, immigrant, and low-income populations. Black people are imprisoned at four l\u1ea7n t\u1ef7 l\u1ec7<\/a> of white people, with 1 in 41 Black adults behind bars in state prisons as of 2020. The prison system relocates the inmate population away from urban communities and into white rural communities, effectively cracking them across districts where they have no voting power due to incarceration.\r\n\r\nIn the same city of Waupun, only kho\u1ea3ng 4%<\/a> c\u1ee7a nh\u1eefng c\u01b0 d\u00e2n kh\u00f4ng b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef l\u00e0 ng\u01b0\u1eddi da \u0111en trong khi nh\u00e0 t\u00f9 \u1edf \u0111\u00f3 l\u00e0 60% \u0110en<\/a>. \u1ede Maryland, 40% c\u1ee7a nh\u1eefng ng\u01b0\u1eddi b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef<\/a> \u0111\u1ebfn t\u1eeb Baltimore, ph\u1ea7n l\u1edbn l\u00e0 ng\u01b0\u1eddi da \u0111en, nh\u01b0ng 90% c\u00f3 n\u01a1i c\u01b0 tr\u00fa ch\u00ednh th\u1ee9c \u1edf n\u01a1i kh\u00e1c. \u1ede Pennsylvania, m\u1ed9t Nghi\u00ean c\u1ee9u n\u0103m 2019<\/a> found that about 100,000 Black men are underrepresented due to prison gerrymandering; if they were counted at their homes instead of the place of their incarceration, the city of Philadelphia would have gained one, possibly two majority-minority state house districts in 2011.\r\n\r\nMost of those who are incarcerated are \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c ph\u00e1t h\u00e0nh trong v\u00f2ng ba n\u0103m<\/a> of their imprisonment, returning to their previous homes. But since the Census is decennial, they continue to be \u00a0counted with the population of the district where their former prison is located, perpetuating the lopsided representation long past the end of their sentence.\r\n\r\nWisconsin missed the chance to fix prison gerrymandering. Governor Tony Evers signed new legislative maps into law this February without addressing the problem. Nevertheless, m\u01b0\u1eddi s\u00e1u ti\u1ec3u bang<\/a> \u0111ang l\u00e0m g\u00ec \u0111\u00f3 v\u1ec1 v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 n\u00e0y, bao g\u1ed3m c\u1ea3 vi\u1ec7c c\u1ea5m ho\u00e0n to\u00e0n v\u00e0 l\u00ean k\u1ebf ho\u1ea1ch ghi l\u1ea1i \u0111\u1ecba ch\u1ec9 tr\u01b0\u1edbc khi b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef c\u1ee7a m\u1ed7i t\u00f9 nh\u00e2n trong cu\u1ed9c \u0111i\u1ec1u tra d\u00e2n s\u1ed1 n\u0103m 2030. M\u1ed9t s\u1ed1 c\u00f3 h\u1ec7 th\u1ed1ng<\/a> in place that modifies the appropriate census files to accurately reflect any inmate\u2019s address as the pre-incarceration one.\r\n\r\nBut these state-by-state solutions are expensive and logistically taxing. The swiftest way to enact such a change nationally would be for the Census Bureau to change its residence rule and prohibit the use of an incarcerated person\u2019s temporary address\u2014the prison\u2014in the census. In 2010, the C\u1ee5c \u0111i\u1ec1u tra d\u00e2n s\u1ed1 tr\u00edch d\u1eabn<\/a> \u201clogistical and conceptual issues,\u201d refusing to address the problem. This despite the glaring contradiction in its own mechanisms that, for example, count students in boarding school as residents of their homes and incarcerated kids as residents of the detention facilities.\r\n\r\nThe Ch\u1ea5m d\u1ee9t \u0110\u1ea1o lu\u1eadt Ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ecf phi\u1ebfu trong t\u00f9<\/a>, currently in Congress, would compel the Census Bureau to count an imprisoned person\u2019s residence as their last home address. The future of the act is unclear. Because rural districts are predominantly Republican and the perception is that they benefit from inflated populations, Republicans are less keen on fixing the issue than Democrats.\r\n\r\nBut prison gerrymandering is not necessarily partisan. A b\u00e1o c\u00e1o m\u1edbi<\/a> theo S\u00e1ng ki\u1ebfn Ch\u00ednh s\u00e1ch Nh\u00e0 t\u00f9, m\u1ed9t nh\u00f3m v\u1eadn \u0111\u1ed9ng ch\u1ed1ng l\u1ea1i vi\u1ec7c ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed theo ki\u1ec3u gian l\u1eadn trong nh\u00e0 t\u00f9, cho th\u1ea5y r\u1eb1ng, trong s\u1ed1 m\u01b0\u1eddi qu\u1eadn ti\u1ec3u bang c\u00f3 t\u1ef7 l\u1ec7 d\u00e2n s\u1ed1 b\u1ecb giam gi\u1eef cao nh\u1ea5t \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c t\u00ednh l\u00e0 c\u01b0 d\u00e2n, s\u00e1u qu\u1eadn do \u0111\u1ea3ng D\u00e2n ch\u1ee7 n\u1eafm gi\u1eef v\u00e0 b\u1ed1n qu\u1eadn do \u0111\u1ea3ng C\u1ed9ng h\u00f2a n\u1eafm gi\u1eef. D\u1ef1a tr\u00ean d\u1eef li\u1ec7u n\u00e0y, t\u00ednh \u0111\u1ea3ng ph\u00e1i kh\u00f4ng th\u00fac \u0111\u1ea9y vi\u1ec7c ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed theo ki\u1ec3u gian l\u1eadn trong nh\u00e0 t\u00f9, nh\u01b0ng, gi\u1ed1ng nh\u01b0 h\u1ea7u h\u1ebft c\u00e1c v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 tr\u01b0\u1edbc Qu\u1ed1c h\u1ed9i hi\u1ec7n nay, ch\u00ednh tr\u1ecb \u0111\u00e3 khi\u1ebfn \u0111i\u1ec1u \u0111\u00f3 tr\u1edf th\u00e0nh nh\u01b0 v\u1eady. Ch\u00fang ta ph\u1ea3i v\u01b0\u1ee3t qua nh\u1eefng chia r\u1ebd \u0111\u01b0\u1ee3c nh\u1eadn th\u1ee9c v\u00e0 \u1ee7ng h\u1ed9 \u0110\u1ea1o lu\u1eadt Ch\u1ea5m d\u1ee9t vi\u1ec7c ph\u00e2n chia khu v\u1ef1c b\u1ea7u c\u1eed theo ki\u1ec3u gian l\u1eadn trong nh\u00e0 t\u00f9, m\u1ed9t \u0111\u1ea1o lu\u1eadt ph\u1ed5 bi\u1ebfn v\u00e0 h\u1ee3p l\u00fd. \u0110\u00e2y kh\u00f4ng ch\u1ec9 l\u00e0 v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 v\u1ec1 c\u00f4ng b\u1eb1ng v\u00e0 \u0111\u1ea1i di\u1ec7n, m\u00e0 c\u00f2n l\u00e0 v\u1ea5n \u0111\u1ec1 v\u1ec1 ph\u1ea9m gi\u00e1 c\u01a1 b\u1ea3n c\u1ee7a con ng\u01b0\u1eddi."}}]},"yoast_head":"\nPrison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - Common Cause<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/vi\/bai-viet-2\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"vi_VN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/vi\/bai-viet-2\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Common Cause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/CommonCause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/CC-Share-Graphic-Main9.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1200\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"630\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@CommonCause\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"name\":\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - 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