{"id":15576,"date":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","date_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/"},"modified":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","modified_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","slug":"prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/tl\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/","title":{"rendered":"Prison Gerrymandering: Pagdistrito sa Likod ng mga Bar"},"template":"","class_list":["post-15576","article","type-article","status-publish","hentry","article_type-blog-post"],"acf":{"details":{"summary":"When the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down the congressional and state district maps last December and ordered new, fairer ones to be drawn, the state had the opportunity to do away with a lesser-known form of district manipulation \u2014 prison gerrymandering.","featured_image":null,"article_type":1103,"authors":null,"related_issues":false,"related_work":false,"location":null},"sidebar":{"helper_enable_sidebar":false,"helper_media_contact":{"heading":"Media Contact","manually_enter_person":false,"person":null,"name":"","role":"","phone":"","email":""},"helper_links_downloads":{"heading":"Links & Downloads","links":null}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_wysiwyg":{"content":"Ang bahaging ito ay isinulat nina Brielle Collins, Grace Hennessy, at Katie Parkins, mga mag-aaral sa Wellesley College, at <\/em>Ismar Voli\u0107, <\/em><\/a>isang propesor ng matematika sa Wellesley College, ang direktor ng <\/em>Institute for Mathematics and Democracy<\/em><\/a>, at ang may-akda ng <\/em>Paggawa ng Demokrasya Bilang Bilang: Paano Pinapabuti ng Matematika ang Pagboto, Mga Mapa ng Electoral, at Representasyon<\/em><\/a>.<\/em>\r\n\r\nNang sirain ng Korte Suprema ng Wisconsin ang mga mapa ng kongreso at distrito ng estado noong Disyembre at nag-utos na gumuhit ng mga bago, mas patas, nagkaroon ng pagkakataon ang estado na alisin ang isang hindi gaanong kilalang anyo ng pagmamanipula ng distrito - pangangaral ng kulungan<\/em>.\r\n\r\nGerrymandering usually conjures images of wonky-shaped districts designed in a way that maximizes the number of wins for one party. This makes sense since gerrymandering is usually about employing demographic and voting data to creatively meander district borders through counties, towns, and neighborhoods in order to influence the count of the voters of one or the other party living in them.\r\n\r\nThe gerrymandering adage \u201cthe party chooses the voters, not the other way around\u201d holds true because the goal of this practice is to make sure that certain voters live in certain districts. But when characterized this way, the reach of gerrymandering widens to include an especially problematic variant called prison gerrymandering \u2013 incarcerated people being counted as residents of the district that houses the prison instead of their pre-incarceration home address.\r\n\r\nThis practice is as old as the Census, which tumutukoy sa tirahan<\/a> bilang ang lugar kung saan ang isang tao ay "nakatira at natutulog sa halos lahat ng oras." Mula noong unang Census noong 1790, ang pederal na pamahalaan ay naaayon binilang ang mga nakakulong<\/a> sa mga distrito kung saan sila nakakulong. Bagama't malamang na hindi ito mukhang isang malaking komplikasyon noong panahong iyon, ang kasalukuyang rate ng pagkakakulong sa US na 2.3 milyon, ang pinakamalaki sa mundo, ay nagawa ito. Ang mahalagang hindi pagkakasundo ay na, kahit na sila ay binibilang bilang mga residente, ang mga nakakulong ay hindi maaaring bumoto (maliban sa Maine at Vermont). Kung ito ay amoy ng tatlong-ikalima na kompromiso, ito ay para sa magandang dahilan<\/a>.\r\n\r\nInmate numbers do not typically make a big difference in congressional races, but they do at the state and local levels where the prison population might constitute a large portion of the residents. In 2008, pitong distrito ng estado ng New York<\/a> would not have even been districts if they hadn\u2019t contained prisons (New York eliminated prison gerrymandering in 2010).\r\n\r\nThis skews representation and gives more voting power to the voting residents in those districts. In the city of Waupun, Wisconsin, 76% ng populasyon<\/a> in one district are incarcerated people. The number is 61% in another district where the representative was reelected in 2019 with 43 votes. To win in another district, many more votes would have been needed; hence the inflated voting power of a resident in a district containing the prison.\r\n\r\nVoters in some Wisconsin districts containing prisons have as much as three times the voting power of their counterparts in other districts. An even more extreme example comes from Anamosa, Iowa, where 96% of the population of one of its city districts in 2008 consisted of people in prison. Of the 1,400 official residents, only about 100 were eligible to vote. Danny Young nanalo ng pwesto sa konseho ng lungsod<\/a> with just two write-in votes, one from his wife and one from his neighbor.\r\n\r\nThe implications of prison gerrymandering for racial inequality are also evident. The prison system disproportionately affects Black, immigrant, and low-income populations. Black people are imprisoned at four beses ang rate<\/a> of white people, with 1 in 41 Black adults behind bars in state prisons as of 2020. The prison system relocates the inmate population away from urban communities and into white rural communities, effectively cracking them across districts where they have no voting power due to incarceration.\r\n\r\nIn the same city of Waupun, only tungkol sa 4%<\/a> sa mga hindi nakakulong na residente ay Itim habang ang kulungan na nakakulong doon ay 60% Itim<\/a>. Sa Maryland, 40% ng mga taong nakakulong<\/a> ay mula sa Baltimore, karamihan sa kanila ay Itim, ngunit ang 90% ay may opisyal na tirahan sa ibang lugar. Sa Pennsylvania, a 2019 pag-aaral<\/a> found that about 100,000 Black men are underrepresented due to prison gerrymandering; if they were counted at their homes instead of the place of their incarceration, the city of Philadelphia would have gained one, possibly two majority-minority state house districts in 2011.\r\n\r\nMost of those who are incarcerated are inilabas sa loob ng tatlong taon<\/a> of their imprisonment, returning to their previous homes. But since the Census is decennial, they continue to be \u00a0counted with the population of the district where their former prison is located, perpetuating the lopsided representation long past the end of their sentence.\r\n\r\nWisconsin missed the chance to fix prison gerrymandering. Governor Tony Evers signed new legislative maps into law this February without addressing the problem. Nevertheless, labing-anim na estado<\/a> may ginagawa tungkol dito, kabilang ang tahasang pagbabawal dito at pagpaplanong itala ang address ng bawat bilanggo bago ang pagkakakulong sa 2030 census. Ang ilan ay may a sistema<\/a> in place that modifies the appropriate census files to accurately reflect any inmate\u2019s address as the pre-incarceration one.\r\n\r\nBut these state-by-state solutions are expensive and logistically taxing. The swiftest way to enact such a change nationally would be for the Census Bureau to change its residence rule and prohibit the use of an incarcerated person\u2019s temporary address\u2014the prison\u2014in the census. In 2010, the Binanggit ng Census Bureau<\/a> \u201clogistical and conceptual issues,\u201d refusing to address the problem. This despite the glaring contradiction in its own mechanisms that, for example, count students in boarding school as residents of their homes and incarcerated kids as residents of the detention facilities.\r\n\r\nThe Tapusin ang Prison Gerrymandering Act<\/a>, currently in Congress, would compel the Census Bureau to count an imprisoned person\u2019s residence as their last home address. The future of the act is unclear. Because rural districts are predominantly Republican and the perception is that they benefit from inflated populations, Republicans are less keen on fixing the issue than Democrats.\r\n\r\nBut prison gerrymandering is not necessarily partisan. A bagong ulat<\/a> ng Prison Policy Initiative, isang adbokasiya na grupo na lumalaban sa prison gerrymandering, ay nagpapakita na, sa sampung distrito ng estado na may pinakamataas na porsyento ng nakakulong na populasyon na binibilang bilang mga residente, anim ang hawak ng mga Democrat at apat ng Republicans. Batay sa datos na ito, ang partisanship ay hindi nagtutulak sa prison gerrymandering, ngunit, tulad ng kaso sa karamihan ng mga isyu sa harap ng Kongreso sa mga araw na ito, ginawa ito ng pulitika. Dapat nating lampasan ang mga pinaghihinalaang dibisyon at suportahan ang End Prison Gerrymandering Act, isang tanyag at makatwirang batas. Ito ay hindi lamang isang katanungan ng katarungan at representasyon, ngunit isa rin sa pangunahing pagiging disente ng tao."}}]},"yoast_head":"\nPrison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - Common Cause<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/tl\/mga-artikulo-2\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/tl\/mga-artikulo-2\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Common Cause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/CommonCause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/CC-Share-Graphic-Main9.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1200\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"630\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@CommonCause\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"name\":\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - 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