{"id":15576,"date":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","date_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/"},"modified":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","modified_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","slug":"decoupage-electoral-des-prisons-decoupage-des-circonscriptions-derriere-les-barreaux","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/fr\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/","title":{"rendered":"D\u00e9coupage \u00e9lectoral des prisons : d\u00e9coupage des circonscriptions derri\u00e8re les barreaux"},"template":"","class_list":["post-15576","article","type-article","status-publish","hentry","article_type-blog-post"],"acf":{"details":{"summary":"When the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down the congressional and state district maps last December and ordered new, fairer ones to be drawn, the state had the opportunity to do away with a lesser-known form of district manipulation \u2014 prison gerrymandering.","featured_image":null,"article_type":1103,"authors":null,"related_issues":false,"related_work":false,"location":null},"sidebar":{"helper_enable_sidebar":false,"helper_media_contact":{"heading":"Media Contact","manually_enter_person":false,"person":null,"name":"","role":"","phone":"","email":""},"helper_links_downloads":{"heading":"Links & Downloads","links":null}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<em>Cet article a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9crit par Brielle Collins, Grace Hennessy et Katie Parkins, \u00e9tudiantes au Wellesley College, et <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/a\/wellesley.edu\/ismar-volic\/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Ismar Volic, <\/em><\/a><em>professeur de math\u00e9matiques au Wellesley College, directeur de la <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/mathematics-democracy-institute.org\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Institut de math\u00e9matiques et de d\u00e9mocratie<\/em><\/a><em>, et l&#039;auteur de <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Making-Democracy-Count-Mathematics-Representation\/dp\/069124880X\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Faire en sorte que la d\u00e9mocratie compte : comment les math\u00e9matiques am\u00e9liorent le vote, les cartes \u00e9lectorales et la repr\u00e9sentation<\/em><\/a><em>.<\/em>\r\n\r\nLorsque la Cour supr\u00eame du Wisconsin a invalid\u00e9 les cartes des districts du Congr\u00e8s et de l\u2019\u00c9tat en d\u00e9cembre dernier et a ordonn\u00e9 que de nouvelles cartes, plus \u00e9quitables, soient \u00e9tablies, l\u2019\u00c9tat a eu l\u2019occasion de mettre fin \u00e0 une forme moins connue de manipulation des districts : <em>d\u00e9coupage \u00e9lectoral des prisons<\/em>.\r\n\r\nGerrymandering usually conjures images of wonky-shaped districts designed in a way that maximizes the number of wins for one party. This makes sense since gerrymandering is usually about employing demographic and voting data to creatively meander district borders through counties, towns, and neighborhoods in order to influence the count of the voters of one or the other party living in them.\r\n\r\nThe gerrymandering adage \u201cthe party chooses the voters, not the other way around\u201d holds true because the goal of this practice is to make sure that certain voters live in certain districts. But when characterized this way, the reach of gerrymandering widens to include an especially problematic variant called prison gerrymandering \u2013 incarcerated people being counted as residents of the district that houses the prison instead of their pre-incarceration home address.\r\n\r\nThis practice is as old as the Census, which <a href=\"https:\/\/www.census.gov\/content\/dam\/Census\/programs-surveys\/decennial\/2020-census\/2020-Census-Residence-Criteria.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">d\u00e9finit la r\u00e9sidence<\/a> comme le lieu o\u00f9 une personne \u00ab vit et dort la plupart du temps \u00bb. Depuis le premier recensement en 1790, le gouvernement f\u00e9d\u00e9ral a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/sections\/codeswitch\/2019\/12\/31\/761932806\/your-body-being-used-where-prisoners-who-can-t-vote-fill-voting-districts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">compt\u00e9 les personnes incarc\u00e9r\u00e9es<\/a> dans les districts o\u00f9 ils sont enferm\u00e9s. Bien que cela ne semble pas \u00eatre une grande complication \u00e0 l&#039;\u00e9poque, le taux d&#039;incarc\u00e9ration actuel des \u00c9tats-Unis, de 2,3 millions, le plus \u00e9lev\u00e9 au monde, l&#039;a rendu ainsi. L&#039;irr\u00e9conciliable essentiel est que, m\u00eame s&#039;ils sont compt\u00e9s comme des r\u00e9sidents, ceux qui sont emprisonn\u00e9s ne peuvent pas voter (sauf dans le Maine et le Vermont). Si cela sent le compromis des trois cinqui\u00e8mes, c&#039;est pour <a href=\"https:\/\/ir.lawnet.fordham.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1016&amp;context=vrdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bonne raison<\/a>.\r\n\r\nInmate numbers do not typically make a big difference in congressional races, but they do at the state and local levels where the prison population might constitute a large portion of the residents. In 2008, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2008\/09\/05\/stillcounted\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sept districts de l&#039;\u00c9tat de New York<\/a> would not have even been districts if they hadn\u2019t contained prisons (New York eliminated prison gerrymandering in 2010).\r\n\r\nThis skews representation and gives more voting power to the voting residents in those districts. In the city of Waupun, Wisconsin, <a href=\"https:\/\/one.npr.org\/?sharedMediaId=764809210:766304738\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">76% de la population<\/a> in one district are incarcerated people. The number is 61% in another district where the representative was reelected in 2019 with 43 votes. To win in another district, many more votes would have been needed; hence the inflated voting power of a resident in a district containing the prison.\r\n\r\nVoters in some Wisconsin districts containing prisons have as much as three times the voting power of their counterparts in other districts. An even more extreme example comes from Anamosa, Iowa, where 96% of the population of one of its city districts in 2008 consisted of people in prison. Of the 1,400 official residents, only about 100 were eligible to vote. Danny Young <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=wzh32Zp_PYk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a remport\u00e9 un si\u00e8ge au conseil municipal<\/a> with just two write-in votes, one from his wife and one from his neighbor.\r\n\r\nThe implications of prison gerrymandering for racial inequality are also evident. The prison system disproportionately affects Black, immigrant, and low-income populations. Black people are imprisoned at four <a href=\"https:\/\/www.vera.org\/ending-mass-incarceration\/causes-of-mass-incarceration\/incarceration-statistics\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fois le taux<\/a> of white people, with 1 in 41 Black adults behind bars in state prisons as of 2020. The prison system relocates the inmate population away from urban communities and into white rural communities, effectively cracking them across districts where they have no voting power due to incarceration.\r\n\r\nIn the same city of Waupun, only <a href=\"https:\/\/datausa.io\/profile\/geo\/waupun-wi#:~:text=The%205%20largest%20ethnic%20groups,%2DHispanic)%20(1.2%25).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u00e0 propos de 4%<\/a> des r\u00e9sidents non incarc\u00e9r\u00e9s sont noirs alors que la prison qui y est h\u00e9berg\u00e9e est <a href=\"https:\/\/doc.wi.gov\/DataResearch\/DataAndReports\/WCIInstitutionalFactSheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">60% Noir<\/a>Dans le Maryland, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2022\/06\/27\/mdorigin\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">40% des personnes incarc\u00e9r\u00e9es<\/a> sont originaires de Baltimore, la majorit\u00e9 d&#039;entre eux sont noirs, mais 90% ont leur r\u00e9sidence officielle ailleurs. En Pennsylvanie, un <a href=\"https:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/egd72\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u00c9tude 2019<\/a> found that about 100,000 Black men are underrepresented due to prison gerrymandering; if they were counted at their homes instead of the place of their incarceration, the city of Philadelphia would have gained one, possibly two majority-minority state house districts in 2011.\r\n\r\nMost of those who are incarcerated are <a href=\"https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/research-reports\/prison-gerrymandering-undermines-our-democracy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">publi\u00e9 dans les trois ans<\/a> of their imprisonment, returning to their previous homes. But since the Census is decennial, they continue to be \u00a0counted with the population of the district where their former prison is located, perpetuating the lopsided representation long past the end of their sentence.\r\n\r\nWisconsin missed the chance to fix prison gerrymandering. Governor Tony Evers signed new legislative maps into law this February without addressing the problem. Nevertheless, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2021\/10\/26\/state_count\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">seize \u00e9tats<\/a> font quelque chose \u00e0 ce sujet, notamment en l&#039;interdisant purement et simplement et en pr\u00e9voyant d&#039;enregistrer l&#039;adresse de chaque prisonnier avant son incarc\u00e9ration dans le recensement de 2030. Certains ont un <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/redistricting-and-census\/reallocating-inmate-data-for-redistricting\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">syst\u00e8me<\/a> in place that modifies the appropriate census files to accurately reflect any inmate\u2019s address as the pre-incarceration one.\r\n\r\nBut these state-by-state solutions are expensive and logistically taxing. The swiftest way to enact such a change nationally would be for the Census Bureau to change its residence rule and prohibit the use of an incarcerated person\u2019s temporary address\u2014the prison\u2014in the census. In 2010, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.census.gov\/newsroom\/blogs\/director\/2010\/03\/so-how-do-you-handle-prisons.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cit\u00e9 par le Bureau du recensement<\/a> \u201clogistical and conceptual issues,\u201d refusing to address the problem. This despite the glaring contradiction in its own mechanisms that, for example, count students in boarding school as residents of their homes and incarcerated kids as residents of the detention facilities.\r\n\r\nThe <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/bill\/118th-congress\/house-bill\/2905\/amendments?s=1&amp;r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Loi sur la fin du red\u00e9coupage des prisons<\/a>, currently in Congress, would compel the Census Bureau to count an imprisoned person\u2019s residence as their last home address. The future of the act is unclear. Because rural districts are predominantly Republican and the perception is that they benefit from inflated populations, Republicans are less keen on fixing the issue than Democrats.\r\n\r\nBut prison gerrymandering is not necessarily partisan. A <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2024\/02\/26\/worst-gerrymanders\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nouveau rapport<\/a> Selon une \u00e9tude r\u00e9alis\u00e9e par la Prison Policy Initiative, un groupe de d\u00e9fense qui lutte contre le red\u00e9coupage des prisons, sur les dix districts d\u2019\u00c9tat comptant le plus grand pourcentage de personnes incarc\u00e9r\u00e9es, six sont d\u00e9tenus par des d\u00e9mocrates et quatre par des r\u00e9publicains. Sur la base de ces donn\u00e9es, le red\u00e9coupage des prisons n\u2019est pas motiv\u00e9 par des consid\u00e9rations partisanes, mais, comme c\u2019est le cas pour la plupart des questions soumises au Congr\u00e8s ces jours-ci, c\u2019est la politique qui a fait en sorte que cela se produise. Nous devons d\u00e9passer les divisions per\u00e7ues et soutenir la loi visant \u00e0 mettre fin au red\u00e9coupage des prisons, une l\u00e9gislation populaire et sens\u00e9e. Ce n\u2019est pas seulement une question d\u2019\u00e9quit\u00e9 et de repr\u00e9sentation, mais aussi une question de d\u00e9cence humaine fondamentale."}}]},"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v26.6 (Yoast SEO v27.1.1) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - Common Cause<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/fr\/articles\/decoupage-electoral-des-prisons-decoupage-des-circonscriptions-derriere-les-barreaux\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/fr\/articles\/decoupage-electoral-des-prisons-decoupage-des-circonscriptions-derriere-les-barreaux\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Common Cause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/CommonCause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/CC-Share-Graphic-Main9.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1200\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"630\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@CommonCause\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"name\":\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - 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