{"id":15576,"date":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","date_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/"},"modified":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","modified_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","slug":"manipulacion-de-distritos-en-prisiones-distritos-tras-las-rejas","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/es\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/","title":{"rendered":"Gerrymandering en prisiones: distritos tras las rejas"},"template":"","class_list":["post-15576","article","type-article","status-publish","hentry","article_type-blog-post"],"acf":{"details":{"summary":"When the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down the congressional and state district maps last December and ordered new, fairer ones to be drawn, the state had the opportunity to do away with a lesser-known form of district manipulation \u2014 prison gerrymandering.","featured_image":null,"article_type":1103,"authors":null,"related_issues":false,"related_work":false,"location":null},"sidebar":{"helper_enable_sidebar":false,"helper_media_contact":{"heading":"Media Contact","manually_enter_person":false,"person":null,"name":"","role":"","phone":"","email":""},"helper_links_downloads":{"heading":"Links & Downloads","links":null}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<em>Este art\u00edculo fue escrito por Brielle Collins, Grace Hennessy y Katie Parkins, estudiantes de Wellesley College, y <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/a\/wellesley.edu\/ismar-volic\/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Ismar Volic, <\/em><\/a><em>Profesor de matem\u00e1ticas en el Wellesley College, director de la <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/mathematics-democracy-institute.org\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Instituto de Matem\u00e1ticas y Democracia<\/em><\/a><em>, y el autor de <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Making-Democracy-Count-Mathematics-Representation\/dp\/069124880X\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>C\u00f3mo la democracia cuenta: c\u00f3mo las matem\u00e1ticas mejoran la votaci\u00f3n, los mapas electorales y la representaci\u00f3n<\/em><\/a><em>.<\/em>\r\n\r\nCuando la Corte Suprema de Wisconsin anul\u00f3 los mapas de distritos del Congreso y del estado en diciembre pasado y orden\u00f3 que se dibujaran otros nuevos, m\u00e1s justos, el estado tuvo la oportunidad de acabar con una forma menos conocida de manipulaci\u00f3n de distritos: <em>manipulaci\u00f3n de distritos electorales en prisiones<\/em>.\r\n\r\nGerrymandering usually conjures images of wonky-shaped districts designed in a way that maximizes the number of wins for one party. This makes sense since gerrymandering is usually about employing demographic and voting data to creatively meander district borders through counties, towns, and neighborhoods in order to influence the count of the voters of one or the other party living in them.\r\n\r\nThe gerrymandering adage \u201cthe party chooses the voters, not the other way around\u201d holds true because the goal of this practice is to make sure that certain voters live in certain districts. But when characterized this way, the reach of gerrymandering widens to include an especially problematic variant called prison gerrymandering \u2013 incarcerated people being counted as residents of the district that houses the prison instead of their pre-incarceration home address.\r\n\r\nThis practice is as old as the Census, which <a href=\"https:\/\/www.census.gov\/content\/dam\/Census\/programs-surveys\/decennial\/2020-census\/2020-Census-Residence-Criteria.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">define residencia<\/a> como el lugar donde una persona \u201cvive y duerme la mayor parte del tiempo\u201d. Desde el primer censo en 1790, el gobierno federal ha <a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/sections\/codeswitch\/2019\/12\/31\/761932806\/your-body-being-used-where-prisoners-who-can-t-vote-fill-voting-districts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contabilizaron a las personas encarceladas<\/a> En los distritos en los que est\u00e1n confinados, aunque probablemente no parec\u00eda una gran complicaci\u00f3n en su momento, la tasa actual de encarcelamiento en Estados Unidos, de 2,3 millones de personas, la m\u00e1s alta del mundo, la ha convertido en tal. La irreconciliabilidad esencial es que, incluso si se los cuenta como residentes, los que est\u00e1n encarcelados no pueden votar (excepto en Maine y Vermont). Si huele a compromiso de las tres quintas partes, es por <a href=\"https:\/\/ir.lawnet.fordham.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1016&amp;context=vrdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Buena raz\u00f3n<\/a>.\r\n\r\nInmate numbers do not typically make a big difference in congressional races, but they do at the state and local levels where the prison population might constitute a large portion of the residents. In 2008, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2008\/09\/05\/stillcounted\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">siete distritos del estado de Nueva York<\/a> would not have even been districts if they hadn\u2019t contained prisons (New York eliminated prison gerrymandering in 2010).\r\n\r\nThis skews representation and gives more voting power to the voting residents in those districts. In the city of Waupun, Wisconsin, <a href=\"https:\/\/one.npr.org\/?sharedMediaId=764809210:766304738\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">76% de la poblaci\u00f3n<\/a> in one district are incarcerated people. The number is 61% in another district where the representative was reelected in 2019 with 43 votes. To win in another district, many more votes would have been needed; hence the inflated voting power of a resident in a district containing the prison.\r\n\r\nVoters in some Wisconsin districts containing prisons have as much as three times the voting power of their counterparts in other districts. An even more extreme example comes from Anamosa, Iowa, where 96% of the population of one of its city districts in 2008 consisted of people in prison. Of the 1,400 official residents, only about 100 were eligible to vote. Danny Young <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=wzh32Zp_PYk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gan\u00f3 un esca\u00f1o en el consejo municipal<\/a> with just two write-in votes, one from his wife and one from his neighbor.\r\n\r\nThe implications of prison gerrymandering for racial inequality are also evident. The prison system disproportionately affects Black, immigrant, and low-income populations. Black people are imprisoned at four <a href=\"https:\/\/www.vera.org\/ending-mass-incarceration\/causes-of-mass-incarceration\/incarceration-statistics\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">multiplicado por la tasa<\/a> of white people, with 1 in 41 Black adults behind bars in state prisons as of 2020. The prison system relocates the inmate population away from urban communities and into white rural communities, effectively cracking them across districts where they have no voting power due to incarceration.\r\n\r\nIn the same city of Waupun, only <a href=\"https:\/\/datausa.io\/profile\/geo\/waupun-wi#:~:text=The%205%20largest%20ethnic%20groups,%2DHispanic)%20(1.2%25).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Acerca de 4%<\/a> de los residentes no encarcelados son negros, mientras que la prisi\u00f3n que se encuentra all\u00ed es <a href=\"https:\/\/doc.wi.gov\/DataResearch\/DataAndReports\/WCIInstitutionalFactSheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">60% Negro<\/a>En Maryland, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2022\/06\/27\/mdorigin\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">40% de personas encarceladas<\/a> son de Baltimore, la mayor\u00eda de ellos negros, pero 90% tiene su residencia oficial en otro lugar. En Pensilvania, un <a href=\"https:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/egd72\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Estudio de 2019<\/a> found that about 100,000 Black men are underrepresented due to prison gerrymandering; if they were counted at their homes instead of the place of their incarceration, the city of Philadelphia would have gained one, possibly two majority-minority state house districts in 2011.\r\n\r\nMost of those who are incarcerated are <a href=\"https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/research-reports\/prison-gerrymandering-undermines-our-democracy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">liberado dentro de tres a\u00f1os<\/a> of their imprisonment, returning to their previous homes. But since the Census is decennial, they continue to be \u00a0counted with the population of the district where their former prison is located, perpetuating the lopsided representation long past the end of their sentence.\r\n\r\nWisconsin missed the chance to fix prison gerrymandering. Governor Tony Evers signed new legislative maps into law this February without addressing the problem. Nevertheless, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2021\/10\/26\/state_count\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">diecis\u00e9is estados<\/a> Est\u00e1n haciendo algo al respecto, incluida la prohibici\u00f3n total y la planificaci\u00f3n para registrar la direcci\u00f3n de cada preso antes de su encarcelamiento en el censo de 2030. Algunos tienen una <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/redistricting-and-census\/reallocating-inmate-data-for-redistricting\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sistema<\/a> in place that modifies the appropriate census files to accurately reflect any inmate\u2019s address as the pre-incarceration one.\r\n\r\nBut these state-by-state solutions are expensive and logistically taxing. The swiftest way to enact such a change nationally would be for the Census Bureau to change its residence rule and prohibit the use of an incarcerated person\u2019s temporary address\u2014the prison\u2014in the census. In 2010, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.census.gov\/newsroom\/blogs\/director\/2010\/03\/so-how-do-you-handle-prisons.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">La Oficina del Censo cit\u00f3<\/a> \u201clogistical and conceptual issues,\u201d refusing to address the problem. This despite the glaring contradiction in its own mechanisms that, for example, count students in boarding school as residents of their homes and incarcerated kids as residents of the detention facilities.\r\n\r\nThe <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/bill\/118th-congress\/house-bill\/2905\/amendments?s=1&amp;r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ley para poner fin a la manipulaci\u00f3n de los distritos electorales en las prisiones<\/a>, currently in Congress, would compel the Census Bureau to count an imprisoned person\u2019s residence as their last home address. The future of the act is unclear. Because rural districts are predominantly Republican and the perception is that they benefit from inflated populations, Republicans are less keen on fixing the issue than Democrats.\r\n\r\nBut prison gerrymandering is not necessarily partisan. A <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2024\/02\/26\/worst-gerrymanders\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nuevo informe<\/a> Un estudio de la Prison Policy Initiative, un grupo de defensa de los derechos de los presos que lucha contra la manipulaci\u00f3n de los distritos electorales, muestra que, de los diez distritos estatales con el mayor porcentaje de poblaci\u00f3n encarcelada que se contabiliza como residente, seis est\u00e1n en manos de dem\u00f3cratas y cuatro de republicanos. Seg\u00fan estos datos, el partidismo no impulsa la manipulaci\u00f3n de los distritos electorales en las prisiones, sino que, como sucede con la mayor\u00eda de los temas que se debaten en el Congreso estos d\u00edas, la pol\u00edtica lo ha hecho as\u00ed. Debemos superar las divisiones percibidas y apoyar la Ley para Poner Fin a la Manipulaci\u00f3n de los Distritos Electorales en las Prisiones, una legislaci\u00f3n popular y sensata. No se trata s\u00f3lo de una cuesti\u00f3n de equidad y representaci\u00f3n, sino tambi\u00e9n de decencia humana b\u00e1sica."}}]},"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v26.6 (Yoast SEO v27.1.1) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - Common Cause<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/es\/articulos-2\/manipulacion-de-distritos-en-prisiones-distritos-tras-las-rejas\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"es_MX\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/es\/articulos-2\/manipulacion-de-distritos-en-prisiones-distritos-tras-las-rejas\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Common Cause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/CommonCause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/CC-Share-Graphic-Main9.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1200\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"630\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@CommonCause\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"name\":\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - 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