{"id":15576,"date":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","date_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/"},"modified":"2024-05-17T13:53:36","modified_gmt":"2024-05-17T17:53:36","slug":"gefangnismanipulation-wahlkreiseinteilung-einteilung-hinter-gittern","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/de\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/","title":{"rendered":"Gerrymandering im Gef\u00e4ngnis: Einteilung hinter Gittern"},"template":"","class_list":["post-15576","article","type-article","status-publish","hentry","article_type-blog-post"],"acf":{"details":{"summary":"When the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down the congressional and state district maps last December and ordered new, fairer ones to be drawn, the state had the opportunity to do away with a lesser-known form of district manipulation \u2014 prison gerrymandering.","featured_image":null,"article_type":1103,"authors":null,"related_issues":false,"related_work":false,"location":null},"sidebar":{"helper_enable_sidebar":false,"helper_media_contact":{"heading":"Media Contact","manually_enter_person":false,"person":null,"name":"","role":"","phone":"","email":""},"helper_links_downloads":{"heading":"Links & Downloads","links":null}},"page_layout":[{"acf_fc_layout":"layout_wysiwyg","_acfe_flexible_toggle":null,"component_wysiwyg":{"content":"<em>Dieser Artikel wurde von Brielle Collins, Grace Hennessy und Katie Parkins geschrieben, Studentinnen am Wellesley College, und <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/a\/wellesley.edu\/ismar-volic\/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Ismar Volic, <\/em><\/a><em>Professor f\u00fcr Mathematik am Wellesley College, Direktor des <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/mathematics-democracy-institute.org\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Institut f\u00fcr Mathematik und Demokratie<\/em><\/a><em>und Autor von <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Making-Democracy-Count-Mathematics-Representation\/dp\/069124880X\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Damit die Demokratie z\u00e4hlt: Wie Mathematik Wahlen, Wahlkarten und Repr\u00e4sentation verbessert<\/em><\/a><em>.<\/em>\r\n\r\nAls der Oberste Gerichtshof von Wisconsin im vergangenen Dezember die Wahlkreiseinteilung f\u00fcr den Kongress und den Staat aufhob und die Erstellung neuer, gerechterer Wahlkreise anordnete, hatte der Staat die Gelegenheit, eine weniger bekannte Form der Wahlkreismanipulation abzuschaffen: <em>Wahlkreismanipulation im Gef\u00e4ngnis<\/em>.\r\n\r\nGerrymandering usually conjures images of wonky-shaped districts designed in a way that maximizes the number of wins for one party. This makes sense since gerrymandering is usually about employing demographic and voting data to creatively meander district borders through counties, towns, and neighborhoods in order to influence the count of the voters of one or the other party living in them.\r\n\r\nThe gerrymandering adage \u201cthe party chooses the voters, not the other way around\u201d holds true because the goal of this practice is to make sure that certain voters live in certain districts. But when characterized this way, the reach of gerrymandering widens to include an especially problematic variant called prison gerrymandering \u2013 incarcerated people being counted as residents of the district that houses the prison instead of their pre-incarceration home address.\r\n\r\nThis practice is as old as the Census, which <a href=\"https:\/\/www.census.gov\/content\/dam\/Census\/programs-surveys\/decennial\/2020-census\/2020-Census-Residence-Criteria.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">definiert Wohnsitz<\/a> als der Ort, an dem eine Person \u201edie meiste Zeit lebt und schl\u00e4ft\u201c. Seit der ersten Volksz\u00e4hlung im Jahr 1790 hat die Bundesregierung dementsprechend <a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/sections\/codeswitch\/2019\/12\/31\/761932806\/your-body-being-used-where-prisoners-who-can-t-vote-fill-voting-districts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Inhaftierte gez\u00e4hlt<\/a> in den Bezirken, in denen sie eingesperrt sind. W\u00e4hrend dies damals wahrscheinlich keine gro\u00dfe Komplikation darstellte, ist dies durch die derzeitige Inhaftierungsrate von 2,3 Millionen in den USA, die h\u00f6chste der Welt, zu einer solchen geworden. Die wesentliche Unvereinbarkeit besteht darin, dass Inhaftierte, selbst wenn sie als Einwohner gez\u00e4hlt werden, nicht w\u00e4hlen d\u00fcrfen (au\u00dfer in Maine und Vermont). Wenn es nach dem Drei-F\u00fcnftel-Kompromiss riecht, dann f\u00fcr <a href=\"https:\/\/ir.lawnet.fordham.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1016&amp;context=vrdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">guter Grund<\/a>.\r\n\r\nInmate numbers do not typically make a big difference in congressional races, but they do at the state and local levels where the prison population might constitute a large portion of the residents. In 2008, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2008\/09\/05\/stillcounted\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sieben Bezirke des Staates New York<\/a> would not have even been districts if they hadn\u2019t contained prisons (New York eliminated prison gerrymandering in 2010).\r\n\r\nThis skews representation and gives more voting power to the voting residents in those districts. In the city of Waupun, Wisconsin, <a href=\"https:\/\/one.npr.org\/?sharedMediaId=764809210:766304738\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">76% der Bev\u00f6lkerung<\/a> in one district are incarcerated people. The number is 61% in another district where the representative was reelected in 2019 with 43 votes. To win in another district, many more votes would have been needed; hence the inflated voting power of a resident in a district containing the prison.\r\n\r\nVoters in some Wisconsin districts containing prisons have as much as three times the voting power of their counterparts in other districts. An even more extreme example comes from Anamosa, Iowa, where 96% of the population of one of its city districts in 2008 consisted of people in prison. Of the 1,400 official residents, only about 100 were eligible to vote. Danny Young <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=wzh32Zp_PYk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gewann einen Sitz im Stadtrat<\/a> with just two write-in votes, one from his wife and one from his neighbor.\r\n\r\nThe implications of prison gerrymandering for racial inequality are also evident. The prison system disproportionately affects Black, immigrant, and low-income populations. Black people are imprisoned at four <a href=\"https:\/\/www.vera.org\/ending-mass-incarceration\/causes-of-mass-incarceration\/incarceration-statistics\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">mal die Rate<\/a> of white people, with 1 in 41 Black adults behind bars in state prisons as of 2020. The prison system relocates the inmate population away from urban communities and into white rural communities, effectively cracking them across districts where they have no voting power due to incarceration.\r\n\r\nIn the same city of Waupun, only <a href=\"https:\/\/datausa.io\/profile\/geo\/waupun-wi#:~:text=The%205%20largest%20ethnic%20groups,%2DHispanic)%20(1.2%25).\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u00fcber 4%<\/a> der nicht inhaftierten Bewohner sind schwarz, w\u00e4hrend das dort untergebrachte Gef\u00e4ngnis <a href=\"https:\/\/doc.wi.gov\/DataResearch\/DataAndReports\/WCIInstitutionalFactSheet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">60% Schwarz<\/a>In Maryland, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonpolicy.org\/blog\/2022\/06\/27\/mdorigin\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">40% der inhaftierten Personen<\/a> stammen aus Baltimore, die Mehrheit von ihnen sind Schwarze, aber 90% haben ihren offiziellen Wohnsitz woanders. In Pennsylvania <a href=\"https:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/egd72\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Studie 2019<\/a> found that about 100,000 Black men are underrepresented due to prison gerrymandering; if they were counted at their homes instead of the place of their incarceration, the city of Philadelphia would have gained one, possibly two majority-minority state house districts in 2011.\r\n\r\nMost of those who are incarcerated are <a href=\"https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/research-reports\/prison-gerrymandering-undermines-our-democracy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">innerhalb von drei Jahren freigelassen<\/a> of their imprisonment, returning to their previous homes. But since the Census is decennial, they continue to be \u00a0counted with the population of the district where their former prison is located, perpetuating the lopsided representation long past the end of their sentence.\r\n\r\nWisconsin missed the chance to fix prison gerrymandering. Governor Tony Evers signed new legislative maps into law this February without addressing the problem. Nevertheless, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2021\/10\/26\/state_count\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sechzehn Staaten<\/a> unternehmen etwas dagegen, darunter ein v\u00f6lliges Verbot und die Planung, die Adresse jedes Gefangenen vor seiner Inhaftierung bei der Volksz\u00e4hlung 2030 zu erfassen. Einige haben eine <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ncsl.org\/redistricting-and-census\/reallocating-inmate-data-for-redistricting\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">System<\/a> in place that modifies the appropriate census files to accurately reflect any inmate\u2019s address as the pre-incarceration one.\r\n\r\nBut these state-by-state solutions are expensive and logistically taxing. The swiftest way to enact such a change nationally would be for the Census Bureau to change its residence rule and prohibit the use of an incarcerated person\u2019s temporary address\u2014the prison\u2014in the census. In 2010, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.census.gov\/newsroom\/blogs\/director\/2010\/03\/so-how-do-you-handle-prisons.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Census Bureau zitiert<\/a> \u201clogistical and conceptual issues,\u201d refusing to address the problem. This despite the glaring contradiction in its own mechanisms that, for example, count students in boarding school as residents of their homes and incarcerated kids as residents of the detention facilities.\r\n\r\nThe <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/bill\/118th-congress\/house-bill\/2905\/amendments?s=1&amp;r=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gesetz zur Beendigung der Wahlkreismanipulation in Gef\u00e4ngnissen<\/a>, currently in Congress, would compel the Census Bureau to count an imprisoned person\u2019s residence as their last home address. The future of the act is unclear. Because rural districts are predominantly Republican and the perception is that they benefit from inflated populations, Republicans are less keen on fixing the issue than Democrats.\r\n\r\nBut prison gerrymandering is not necessarily partisan. A <a href=\"https:\/\/www.prisonersofthecensus.org\/news\/2024\/02\/26\/worst-gerrymanders\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">neuer Bericht<\/a> von der Prison Policy Initiative, einer Interessengruppe, die sich gegen die Wahlkreismanipulation in Gef\u00e4ngnissen einsetzt, zeigt, dass von den zehn Bezirken des Staates mit dem h\u00f6chsten Prozentsatz an Inhaftierten, die als Einwohner gez\u00e4hlt werden, sechs von Demokraten und vier von Republikanern gehalten werden. Diesen Daten zufolge ist die Wahlkreismanipulation in Gef\u00e4ngnissen nicht parteiisch, sondern, wie bei den meisten Themen, die sich derzeit dem Kongress stellen, durch die Politik herbeigef\u00fchrt worden. Wir m\u00fcssen die wahrgenommenen Spaltungen \u00fcberwinden und den End Prison Gerrymandering Act unterst\u00fctzen, ein popul\u00e4res und vern\u00fcnftiges Gesetz. Es ist nicht nur eine Frage der Gleichheit und Repr\u00e4sentation, sondern auch eine Frage grundlegender menschlicher Anst\u00e4ndigkeit."}}]},"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v26.6 (Yoast SEO v27.1.1) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - Common Cause<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/de\/artikel-2\/gefangnismanipulation-wahlkreiseinteilung-einteilung-hinter-gittern\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"de_DE\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/de\/artikel-2\/gefangnismanipulation-wahlkreiseinteilung-einteilung-hinter-gittern\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Common Cause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/CommonCause\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/CC-Share-Graphic-Main9.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1200\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"630\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@CommonCause\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.commoncause.org\/articles\/prison-gerrymandering-districting-behind-bars\/\",\"name\":\"Prison Gerrymandering: Districting Behind Bars - 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